CELT document E600000

Letter Book of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mór

Letter Book of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mór

Preface

This preface offers a brief description of the online text and its historical background. Florence MacCarthy Reagh (Finghín Mac Carthaigh Riabhach) was born in the early 1560s, probably at Kilbrittain Castle. His father was Sir Donagh MacCarthy Reagh, 1 lord of Carbery, and his mother was a Geraldine, the aunt of the last earl of Desmond. Following the death of his father in 1576, Florence was made a ward of Sir William Drury, the lord president of Munster. 2 According to the author of the Carbriae Notitia, a manuscript written in 1686, 'Sir Donogh McCarthy gave to his son Florence no less than 27 ploughlands, as I think, worth £1,500 per annum; so that 'twas said this Florence his estate in Carbry was better than his estate by his Wife, Heiress of McCarthy Mór.' 3 The Carbriae Notitia informs us also that 'Carbery, the largest and most famous barony in Ireland hath, with the other territories of that island, often altered its dimensions and bounds, as the power and fortunes of its lords was more or less prevalent. It is not improbable that it did extend as far north as the river Lea; or (as the old verse has it) from Carrig-o-Glaveen, or Misen Head, to Cork; but however that be, I shall describe its more certain extent from the Harbour of Kinsale to the Bay of Bantry; containing all that great tract of land which at this day makes the baronies of East and West Carbery, Ibawne, Barry Roe, Kinalmeaky, and Courcys.'

During the Desmond rebellion of 1579-83, Florence MacCarthy Reagh served with the forces of Elizabeth I who rewarded him afterwards with gifts and an annual pension. In London, he took up the customs of an English courtier but his continued attachment to Gaelic politics led to suspicion on both sides. He also remained loyal to Catholicism and developed a taste for Spanish culture. By 1588, the year of the Great Armada, he could speak Spanish fluently. His marriage to Ellen, daughter of the earl of Clancar and sole heir to the title of MacCarthy Mór, joined the lands of the MacCarthy Reagh with those of the MacCarthy Mór. At the same time, Florence MacCarthy intrigued with Sir William Stanley, an infantry colonel who commanded the first Irish infantry regiment in Spanish service. These combined factors led to considerable angst for the state authorities and, as a result, Florence MacCarthy was detained in February 1589. 4 That June, Elizabeth I committed him to the Tower of London where political prisoners who caused the greatest concern were usually kept.

On his journey to London, Florence MacCarthy was accompanied by Patrick Cullen, a fencing-master subsequently apprehended for his part in a supposed plot to kill Elizabeth I. In this conspiracy, the government linked Sir William Stanley, John Annyas, Jacques de Franceschi and James Archer — with Cullen the would-be assassin. Cullen was sent to the gallows while Annyas went on to be employed as an agent of Sir Robert Cecil in Munster. 5 On release in 1591, Florence MacCarthy was kept in London. Two years hence, the earl of Ormond, Black Tom Butler, secured MacCarthy's return to Ireland where he found his property targetted by local rivals and settlers from the Munster plantation. He soon became involved in protracted legal disputes with Lord David Barry of Buttevant and the Brownes of south Kerry. Details of the proceedings, which Florence MacCarthy blamed for his financial ruin, are to be found in the following documents. In his accusations, Barry referred to the links between MacCarthy, Cullen and Stanley, a point which the authorities continued to raise in the 1610s.

Following the outbreak of war by the northern confederates in the mid-1590s, Florence MacCarthy consolidated his position in Munster with government support and overcame challenges to his claims by kinsmen. Hugh O'Neill inaugurated him MacCarthy Mór in 1600. 6 Despite protesting his loyalty to Elizabeth I, Florence MacCarthy continued to foment Spanish support. As the correspondence shows, much was made of his morgaging property to acquire the Old Head of Kinsale as a suitable landing place for a naval expedition. Elizabethan agents described the extent of his lands as 'three score miles together westward, next towards Spain'.

With the arrival of Spanish forces and supplies in 1601, Florence MacCarthy received arms and munitions to equip more than 400 troops. 7 Later that year, he was arrested by Sir George Carew following the capture of the Sugán earl of Desmond, James Fitzthomas Fitzgerald. 8 Both were imprisoned in the Tower where Fitzgerald suffered a breakdown shortly afterwards. He died there nearly seven years later. 9 Florence MacCarthy was held at the Martin Tower — a strong portal flanked with bastions originally built in the thirteenth century which maps of the site show in the top right-hand corner. Henry Percy, the earl of Northumberland, a direct contemporary of Florence MacCarthy, was kept there also from 1605 until 1622. As with others, Philip Howard for example, MacCarthy etched grafitti into the walls of his cell. In the Martin Tower, translated from the Irish, it reads: 'Mac Carthaigh Finghín Mac Dorchaidh put here 26 August 1601, without cause or reason except his being captured in treachery and let out similarly the [...]' 10 Throughout this time, MacCarthy petitioned to be either tried or released on condition of serving against O'Neill.

The following papers consist of Florence MacCarthy's letters to and from the authorities, his appeals to court, together with manuscripts about his family history. McCarthy (Glas) described Florence MacCarthy's handwriting as 'small, regular, firm, and distinct as print'.  11 Trained as a barrister-at-law, Daniel MacCarthy (Glas) presented a case for the defence, making repeated use of some documents and occasionally confusing their date of composition. While it is clear that McCarthy Glas appreciated the interest in and the value of these sources, his ninteenth-century edition has recently been described by Professor John A. Murphy as 'important but badly arranged'. 12

A few words about the methodology employed in the online edition are, therefore, appropriate. A total of 220 records are retained here. These relate directly to Florence MacCarthy and his extended family during his lifetime. Extraneous material, such as documents about James Fitzthomas Fitzgerald, the Battle of the Yellow Ford and secondary comment are omitted.

The following primary sources are presented in calendar format. This enables the reader to follow the events as they happened. It also allows us to evaluate the concentration of documents as the frequency of these sources increases in specific years. This reflects the sense of alarm among officials in Dublin and London during particular periods. Perhaps the best example is 1588 to 1589, that is the time of the Spanish Armada, its wreckage off the coast of Ireland and the mopping-up operations which followed. This is followed by the papers for 1594, which relate to Barry's legal dispute with MacCarthy and John Annyas' appeal to the privy council. The greatest concentration of correspondence occurs from 1598-1602, above all 1601-02, commensurate with the height of the Nine Years War. Nevertheless, the number of petitions made by Florence MacCarthy noticeably declines as his second period of captivity continued.

The date of composition recorded in the title to each document refers to the Gregorian calendar which was first introduced in 1582. Yet, in specific instances below, correspondence written between 1 January and 25 March shows the date of the previous year. Thus, it is important to explain the variance that can occur between the dates of Elizabethan state papers and the events they record. This resulted from the different ways in which the historical and civil or legal year was calculated. Whereas the historical year began on 1 January, the civil or legal calendar started on 25 March. 13 These documents deal with Florence MacCarthy and his extended family: from Sir Donagh MacCarthy Reagh and Sir Owen MacCarthy, Donal-na-Pipi and Donal MacCarthy More, to Ellen his wife and Daniel his eldest surviving son. These papers also offer an insight into the reigns of three successive rulers in London. Among the Tudor and Stuart figures who feature prominently are Elizabeth I, her advisers Burghley and Walsingham, and her erstwhile favourite the earl of Essex, followed by James I and his chief minister, Cecil, the earl of Ormond, Black Tom Butler, and MacCarthy's implacable opponent, Sir George Carew. Illustrating the continued threat which the Tower of London posed to the ruling classes, several of those referred to below subsequently found themselves on the wrong side of the law. For different reasons, for instance, Essex, Raleigh, Carr and Wentworth were sentenced to imprisonment in the Tower.

The considerable length of time that Florence MacCarthy survived confinement indicates some leniency on the part of his gaolers. As was the case with Northumberland, Florence MacCarthy kept his own library of books and manuscripts at the Tower. About 1609, he wrote a treatise on Irish history. 14 It is said to show the developing awareness on the part of Gaelic intellectuals of the need to communicate their reading of Ireland's history to an English-speaking audience and was published by John O'Donovan in 1858.  15 As a father, Florence MacCarthy's most difficult experience of the Tower must have been the death there of Tadhg. Tadhg was the eldest of his four sons.

John McGurk and Jerrold Casway confirm that several of MacCarthy's Irish peers spent the remaining years of their lives within the precints of the Tower: Conn and Cormac MacBaron O'Neill who were a son and a brother of the earl of Tyrone respectively, Sir Niall Garbh O'Donnell and his son Neachtan, Sir Dónal Ballagh O'Cahan and his eldest son Rory Óg, and Brian O'Rourke, grandson of Brian na Múrtha. 16 Other notable prisoners confined to Tower during the imprisonment of Florence MacCarthy were Walter Raleigh, Robert and Frances Carr, the earl and countess of Somerset. 17 Prisoners were held in 'the immediate custody' of Constable of the Tower of London who was entitled to demand higher fees for the maintenance of prisoners and hostages than were chargeable in other castles. 18 Provisions for these demands during Florence MacCarthy's confinement are included below. In common with the experience of prisoners such as Nicholas Owen, Florence MacCarthy was transferred from the Tower to the prison at Marshalsea. This occurred in 1604 and in 1608. Released as part of James I's amnesty of 1614, he was detained four years later although not in the Tower. From 1624 to 1626, he was held in custody again. 19 Florence MacCarthy remained exiled in London for four decades before his death. The Commentarius Rinuccinianus assigns his obit to December 1640, a point noted recently by Kenneth Nicholls. 20 About the year 1776, a descendant of Donal-na-Pipi MacCarthy is said to have taken to France a portrait of Florence MacCarthy which was then displayed in the city of Toulouse.

Benjamin Hazard, 13 May 2013.


[Various]

Edited by Daniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-Chroim

Letter Book of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mór

An Inquisition taken upon the death of Sir Donogh MacCarty in Anno 19 Eliz., 1 June 1576. 21

Inquisito capta apud civitatem Cork in le Guildhall ejusdem civitatis in com' Corke, die Veneris pxime post festu Penticostes viz. primo die mensis Junii anno Regni Regine nre invict' Elizabethe decimo nono, cora Williamo Drury milit' Domino presidente totius provinciae Momoniae, et uno de Privato concilio dict' Dominae Reginae in regno suo Hiberniae, et sociis suis commissionariis praedict' Dominae Reginae per tota, provinciam predictam, tam infra libertates qua extra, ad inquirend de omnibus et singulis ter' tenement' reddit' proficuis commoditatibus emolumentis wardiis marritagiis releviis escaetis juribus forisfacturis et aliis hereditamentis quibuscumque eidem Dominae Reginae, vel aliquibus progenitorum suorum ratione concessionis donationis attinctur' forisfactur', actus parliamenti, escaeti mortis alicujus personae vel aliter qualitercunque spectantibus, vel pertinent,' et ad alia faciend' et inquirend' prout in literis patentibus dictae Dominae Reginae inde eis confecte gerentes dat' apud Wexford nono die Aprilis anno Regni predictae Dominae Reginae decimo nono magis liquett per sacramentum juratorum subscriptorum, viz.

David Martell de Martellston Gen. Johannis Barry de Donboige Gen. Williame Mallefunte de Courteston Gen. David McShane de Midestowne Gen. Jacobi Hoare de Money Gen. Florentii O Mahowny de OMahownecastle Gen. Johannis Skiddie de Frissellcastle Gen. Donaldi McOwen de Drisshane Gen. Daniell O'Herlihie de Ballyworny Gen. Jacobi Oge Rooch de Knyvre Gen. Petri Cogan de Ballenecourtey Gen. Fynen McCormac de Bellemelashy Gen.

Qui jurat' dicunt per sacrum suum quod Donatus alias Donogh MacCarty, nup de Kilbirtane in com Corke Miles Seisitus fuit in Dominico suo ut de Feodo, de una carucata terra; in Knock-ne-gaple in com Corke, de duabus carucat' terrae et dimid' carucat' in Rathharowe in com predict,' de una carucat' vocat' Ballenveny in com praed,' de una carucat' terrae vocat' Currymvir in com praed,' de una carucat' terrae vocat' Langestowne in com praed,' de duabus carucat' terrae vocat' Kildare in com praed,' de una carucat' terrae vocat' Cloghane in com praed,' de duabus carucat' terrae vocat' Rathdroughtie in com praed,' de una carucat' terrae vocat' Killinstie in com praed', de medietate unius carucat' terrae in Ballerviellen in com praed,' de duabus carucat' terrae in Killinvarra in com praed,' de medietate unius carucat' terr in Knockbrowne in com praed,' de una carucat' terrae in Barraliegh in com praed,' de medietate unius carucat' terrae in Martlesknocke in com praed,' de tertia parte unius carucat' terr' in Gortinenige in com praed,' de duabus partibus unius carucat' terrae in Garan Rieugh in com praed,' de una carucat' terrae in Ardgehan in com praed,' de medietate unius carucat' terrae in Ballenagornagh in com praed,' de medietate unius carucat' terrae in Castle Iwer in com praed,' et de una carucat' terrae vocat' Curry-I-Cruwolley in eodem comitatu Corke, et quod omnia et singta praed' terras et tenementa tenuit de praed' Domina Regina per que servitia penitus ignorant. Ac etiam dictus Donatus sit seisitus de omnibus et singulis permissis 24 die Januarii anno Regni dictae Dominae Reginae, decimo nono obiit sic inde seisitus, Et quod omnia et singula praemissa valent per annum quinque Libr' Et quod Florentius alias Fynen Mac Carty est Filius et Heres dicti Donati, et infra etatem vizt de etate quinque decem annorem.

In cujus rei testimon tam prd' commissionarii quam juratores predicti huic Inquisitioni sigilla sua apposuerunt, die et anno prius supra script'.

Exr per Wm MARWOOD,
Depts. R.R.

Presentments made by the jurors of Cork to Sir William Drury, circa November 1576. 22

We present that Owen MacCarthy and Donell MacCarthy, brethren to MacCarthy Reagh, and Finin (Florence) MacCarthy, son to the said MacCarthy Reagh, daily at their pleasure, take meat and drink, with force and extortion for themselves, and their train of horsemen, galloglass and kerne, of the freeholders and inhabitants of Carbry; and besides, they take of the same freeholders, and inhabitants, a sum of money called cowe, (cua, flesh-meat, a tax raised by the Lord's son to buy meat for his feasts), to the number of five marks of half-face money yearly in every people [Sept] within Carbry, against the will of the freeholders, and inhabitants, and also of the cessor of the county.

We present that Donel-na-pipie 23 and MacCarthy Reagh's young son Finin, the 10th of May last, in the year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth that now is the 18th, wrongfully came with force of arms, &c., to Erdyrie Lemerarie in Carbry in the county of Cork, and then and there have forcibly taken and rendered the sum of £8 17 shillings 9 pence sterling of the proper goods and chattels of Finin Mac Dermodie of le Clynyne-Crymmyne, and their poor tenants in the name of the said extortion called Cowe.

Presentment made by jurors to Sir William Drury, Cork, circa November 1576.

We present that all the lords of this county, to colour and maintain their own extortions, have wrought such a policy to entertain all the lawyers of the province, whereby no freeholder, nor poor man, can have a lawyer to speak in his cause, be it never no just.

Thomas Butler, earl of Ormond, to Elizabeth I, 24 April 1583. 24

There have been six score traitors put to the sword, and executed since my coming. Desmond being long since fled over the mountaine into Kerrye, is nowe gon to seke relife by suche spoiles as he can take from the Erle of Clancartie (his brother-in-law), Captaine Barkley having followed him thether to ayde thErle of Clancartie. I have sent Sir Cormok McTeig and Sir William Stanley towards Castlemaing, to lye for him therabout (if, in the mean tyme, they mete him not). Myself with my horsemen intend to lye out, this side the mountaine, for him. I finde your Majestie's opinion provethe true, for sins I kept him from the counties of Waterford and Tipprary his men have bene forced many tymes to eat horses and caren; and being nowe kept from cowes in the mountains of Desmond, famyin will destroy them, as daily hit dothe. God send them all the plague I wish them, and blesse your Majesty with a moste happy raigne.

Cork

THOS ORMOND & OSSORY

Donal, earl of Clancar, to Elizabeth I, 28 May 1583. 25

After moste humble duetie remembred, may yt please your most Excellent Majestie, whereas I Daniell (whom your Princely goodnes created Erle of Clancarthie) considering how fair I am bounde to your Highnes (whose long life, prosperous raigne, and happie estate I have alwayes, and doe most humbly and hartely wishe and pray for) unfainedly served against the unnaturall traitors, to the uttermoste of my power, partely with Sir John Parrott (then Lord President of Mounster) at the taking of Castlemaing, and all times els when occasion was given, nevertheles I (being suspected without cause, uppon the countrys enormities) was driven, not only to maintaine my wife twoe yeares at Cork as a pledge, but also to send my sonn from scoole to the Castle of Dublin, remaining there nowe the space of three yeares, without learning, to my intolerable grief and hindrance. Besides that I sustained many wrongs by the late Capteine Zouche, Capteine Smithe, and others (privately mencioned in a note here inclosed) by meanes whereof I am greivouslie combred on every side; for the traitors doe not [!] not spare me; the soldiers in like case doe take what they can finde; alleadging that it is better for them so to doe then to leave it for the traytors: but Moste Gracious and Soveraigne Lady, I am sure it happeneth farr contrary to your Highnes upright pleasure, and moste myld disposition, that they (under culloure of Desmond), shoulde seeke my destruction, as yf they had bene mortall enemyes; which imboldeth me the rather moste humblie to beseche your Excellent Majestie (of your pity towardes the oppressed) to have compassion of me in reforming these wrongfull abuses, and uppon continuance of my trueth, (which alwayes hitherto hath bene performed) to vouchesafe thenlardgement of my sonn, that the childe may be the better reduced in his tender yeares to acknowledge his duty towardes God, and loyalty to your Highnes, whom I beseche the Almighty to prosper in all wisdom and understanding, to the comeforte of your true and faithfull subjects, and suppression of your enemies. Thus (beseeching your Highness to perdon the necessity of my boldnes) I moste humbly take leave.

From Clonmell

Your Highnes moste loyall subiect
DANIELL CLANCARTHYE.

The lords justices to the privy council, 23 June 1583.

It may please your Lordships. In our letters of the 14th of this month we declared to your Lordships of the apprehension of Walter Cusack, brother to the late Viscount of Baltinglas, and certain of his followers; and how the instruments which were used in that service were two Irishmen, the principal whereof was Bryen oge Cavenaghe, and the other a follower of his, Owen O'Nasye; to whom, according the covenant made with them, we delivered their reward immediately upon the presenting of the prisoner. Since which time the said Bryen and Owen remained in this city, well and courteously entreated, till within these three days.

A sudden rumour was raised in this town that Owen O'Nasye should give forth in public speeches that he was an actor in the killing of Sir Peter Carewe; which rumour came to the ears of his brother George Carewe, being in this town ready to embark into England; but how proved or testified by sufficient witnesses, we cannot yet learn; upon this occasion only, as it should seem, a heinous act is here committed in the street of Dublin, upon Midsummer-eve last, where Brian oge and the said Owen beholding the assembly of the youth of this city in some show of arms, according to an ancient custom here, Mr. Carewe, accompanied with two other gentlemen, George Harvye and John Hill, and certain of his own servants, walking down by the quai where the shewes were presented, found the said Bryen and Owen sitting together; and taking Owen by the garments, and demanding of his name, immediately upon the naming of it, thrust his dagger into his bosom, and presently one of his men shot him with a pistol and two bullets, and gave him many wounds, whereof he presently died! Immediately upon the act Carewe and Harvey, with their men fled, we know not whither. But Mr. Hill remained, alleging for himself that he was utterly ignorant of the matter, and did but only accompany the others in walking, without knowledge of any such pretence; whom, notwithstanding, we have committed to the Castle here to abide Her Majesty's pleasure, or his further trial by law. By all examinations hitherto taken we do not hear of any violence used to Bryen Cavenaghe; but the execution only meant upon the other before-named; and whether purposely as seeking him, we cannot yet discover. Thus much for tire manner of the fact; which as it was very foul and heinous in itself, done also in a public place, and at a most inconvenient time, even in the view of the Mayor and the Citizens, and while some Irish be here that be not altogether clear, in their own consciences; so, for as much as these parties were such as had newly done very good service, procured to themselves thereby great enmity of the evil aflected Irish, and, that which is most to be regarded, had our protection in writing for their safety, we cannot but note that the estate is hereby dishonoured, and our credit so much impaired as hardly we shall be able to work the Irish to trust to our words or writings hereafter, much less to attempt any service against the rebels. For better manifesting of our dislike of this fact we have assembled such of the Council as were here, in the Castle of this town, where the Coroner's quest presented a verdict of wilful murder against the three gentlemen and two of Carewe's servants. We have, before the Mayor and his brethren, declared our opinion and have encouraged them to deal in it by the ordinary course of Justice, and offered our assistance every way that law may take place; which we neither did then, nor say now, to aggravate the offence in the gentlemen, knowing how much flesh and blood will work in young men to revenge the killing of their brethren and allies: but rather in equity and justice to report a truth; and complainingly in this, that Mr. Carewe had no more regard to the time and place, the occasion of the man's coming hither, his late good deserts, and finally to our protection, which is in treaty shamefully violated, and that our nacion may hereby be thought faithless; whereof may spring many inconveniences, in this broken state, where protections must be used; otherwise, for the man slain, we cannot say anything of him, but that he was base, a mean follower of the Cavanaghes, and in continual rebellion, till now that he was in action in this tragedy of Walter Eustace. For the better satisfaction of Brian oge, upon whom the other depended, we have entered with him in new treaty of further service, and have given him two months' respite to accomplish it; and in the mean season have assigned him a pay of 2shillings hire, and 12 kerne in wages, wherewith he departed very well persuaded, and not so drowned in sorrow but that we think he would be content to lose another of his followers, of the same price. We humbly desire your Lordships to write unto us your opinions, and how we are further to proceed in this cause, and so do commit you to God. At Dublin the 25th June, 1583.

Sir Owen MacCarthy Reagh to Elizabeth I, 25 July 1583.

My moste humble and bounden duetie to your Excellent Majestie premissed. I thought it goode to signifie unto your Highnes whate I and my contrey have employd for the better furtherance of your Majesties service during the rebellion in Mounster, the particulers wherof appeareth in a schedule herein inclosed; and as Captaine Barkley may certifie the same unto your Majestie, who behaued himselfe verie well in the said contrey; not doubting but your Highnes (according your accustomed bountie) will haue consideracion of the same, moste humby beseching your royall Majestie to grant unto me suche resonable requests as mine agents will particulerly declare to your Highnes on my behalf; and thus (with all due reverence) I moste humbly take my leave. At Your Majesties citie of Cork the 25th of July, 1583.

Your Highnes' Faithful Subiect,
OWEN CARTY.

'A briefe selection of suche payments as Sir Owen McCarthy Knight and his Countrey of Caribrie in the Countie of Cork haue paid for the furtherance of Her Majeties service sence the first of the rebelion of James Fitz Mores'; circa 1583.

  • In primes. In the tyme of the Governement of Sir John Perot Lord President of Mounster, for the better mainteynance of Hir Majeties Garisons being then here, paid in byfs, and cesse taken upp of the said countrey, the som of a thousand Pounds sterling.
  • Item, after to the Earle of Ormonde, being then Lord General of Mounster, in money and byfs taken upp of the said contrey, the sum of £700 sterling.
  • Item, to Sir William Drury Lord president of Mounster for cesse of 10 horsmen, being to we yeares in the said coutrey, viz. to every horsman 5 shillings. sterling per diem, amountith to the som of £1147 sterling.
  • Item, more to the said Sir William in money towards Hir Majeties charges, and to be released of the cesse of the said horsmen £1000 sterling.
  • Item, the said Sir Owen McCartie paid to Patrick Shearlock of Waterford for the nomber of thrie score kerne cessed upon his said contrey £50.
  • Item, beseds the promisses the said Sir Owen (of his owne goode will) for the better furtherance of Hir Majesties Service, have kept in his contrey aforesaid sence the begynning of the rebellion of the Earle of Desmond 100 Englishe soldiers footmen, and paid there Capteyns yearly £1200 vizt.
  • Item to Capteyn William Apsley £1200
  • Item to Capteyn Fenton 1200
  • Item to Capteyn Barkley 1200
  • The totall Som amounteth to £7497

Thomas Butler, earl of Ormond, to the privy council, 15 November 1583.

In my way nowe from Dublin I receved lettres of the killing of the traitors Gorehe, McSwiny (Capten of Galloglass) the onely man that relived thErle of Desmond in his extreme misery; and the next day after my coming hither to Kilkenny, I receved certaine word that Donill McImoriertaghe (of whom, at my last being in Kerry, I toke assuraunce to sarve against Desmond), being accompanied with 25 kerne of his owne sept, and 6 of the ward of Castlemaigue, the 11th of this moneth at night, assaulted thErle in his cabban, in a place called Glaneguicntye nere the river of the Maigne, and slew him, whose heade I have sent for, and appointed his boddy to be hanged up in chaines at Cork. 26

From Kilkenny

THOMAS ORMOND ET OSSORY

The lords justices to the privy council, Dublin, 17 November 1583. 27

Post scriptum

Our verie good Lords for that we acompt Desmond's sonne here in the Castell to be a prisoner of greate chardge, and that manie escapes haue ben made hearehence, (thoughe not in our tyme,) we wyshe, for the better assueraunce of hym, that Her Majestie mighte be perswaded to remouve hym hence unto the Towre of London, which notwithstandinge, we leue to your Lordships graue consederacion.

Ormond to Walsingham, 28 November 1583.

I do send Her Highnes (for profe of the good successe of the service, and the happy ende thereof) by this berrer, the principall traitor Desmond's keade, as the best token of the same, and profe of my faithfull service and travaile; whearby her charges may be demolished, as to her princelie pleasure shalbe thought meete

THOMAS ORMOND ET OSSORY

Treasurer Wallop to Sir Francis Walsingham, principal secretary to Elizabeth I, 9 July 1584. 28

My Lord Deputie hath sent the Erles of Desmond and Clancarty their sonnes to the Courte, by tow of my men, whome I beseche you to dischardge as sone as they com to the Courte with them.

Sir Edward Waterhouse, chancellor of the exchequer of Ireland, to Walsingham, 28 November 1584.

The two other letters are from the Earl of Clanrickarde; the one, as I learn (both from himselfe and Sir Richard), is to exhort his son, the Baron of Dunkellin, to beware of such advice as hath been given to the young Baron of Valentia, for his undutiful departure into France.

Waterhouse to Walsingham, Dublin Castle, 19 January 1585.

I have no other newes besydes those I sent you lately, save that one Barry, who was the enticer and conveyer away of the Lord of Valentia from here, is of late taken by the Earl of Glencarre, who had intelligence of his coming over into the country, disguised like a beggar, to see how he could procure some relief for the young Lord. I have given order to have him safely sent hither unto me: when I have him, I will learn of him what I may.

From the Castle of Dublin.

Nicholas Skiddie to Walsingham, 12 February 1585.

Right honourable:

My humble and most bonden duty premised. Finding this bearer, my cousin, James Meagher, repairing towards the Court, I thought good to write your Honour these few lines, declaring that William Barry, the man that brought the Earl of Clancarre's son into France, is apprehended in Desmond, and now brought to Cork. I offered to bring him to your Honor, wherein I could not prevail, by reason that my Lord Deputie did write for him; and it is meant that the said Barry shall be sent to Dublin. 29

Letter of Adam Loftus, chancellor and archbishop of Dublin, to Burghley upon an occasion of Jacques de Franceschi, lieutenant of Sir William Stanley, going to England, June 1585.

I crave pardon for my continual boldness in troubling you so often in the behalf of such as I know to have well deserved, as especially this gentleman, amongst the worthiest of his sort, is one. During all the time of his service here, I have been thoroughly acquainted with him, and do certainly know he hath spent his time both in Ulster and Munster in her Majesty's service, as Lieutenant to Sir William Stanley, in as forward and valiant manner as any gentleman possibly may do; sundry times lost his blood, and very hardly escaped with life; his behaviour otherwise such as may beseem a civil, honest gentleman.

'The Humble Petition of Finin McCormack to the Right Honourable the Lords and others of Her Majesty's Most Honorable Privy Council', 1587.

In most humble manner, sheweth unto your Lordships, your poor suppliant Fynin McCormuck of Glaincruim in Carbry, within the county of Corke gent. That whereas your said suppliant his father Cormuck McFynin being as is known to the Right Honourable. Sir John Parrott, lawfully possessed of the lands of Glaincrim in the country of Carbry aforesaid, was at the instigation of one Teig in Orssy murdered by Cormuck Downe, the said Teig in Orssy his eldest brother, for the which his said brother was by Sir William Drury, being then Lord President of Monster, hanged in chains at Cork; and afterwards a cousin of your suppliant, named Felime McOwen pretending to possess the said land, of Glainncrim for, and in the name of your suppliant, was by the said Teig in Orssy in like sort murdered, since which time he doth, as well by reason of his wealth, as by cause of your suppliants tender age, being constrained for the safety of his life to forsake his country since his fathers death, contrary to all equity and justice, possess your said suppliant's father's lands as tenant to Sir Owen McCarty, being therein maintained by the said Sir Owen, by reason that he hath fostered his eldest son, and the better to entitle himself thereunto is now come hither with intent to surrender the said land unto Her Majesty and for as much as those lands doth of right belong to your suppliant, and that the said Teig in Orssy hath already procured means whereby he hath spoken unto Her Majesty, and preferred his supplications to Her Highness touching the said lands, and being here these six months, ever since Sir Walter Raleigh came out of Ireland, a suitor unto Her Majesty for these lands, he hath never all that while acquainted any of your Lordships with the matter; whereby it appears that he had no right thereunto, and that his intent is to steal away Her Majesty's letters unknown to your Lordships, which he had done already but that Mr Secretary Walsingham, according to your Lordship's former resolution, did hinder it; wherefore he humbly beseecheth your Lordships for God's sake and for the equity of his cause, to be a means unto Her Majesty that his said surrender may not be received, and that there may be a stay made thereof before your suppliants title be tried, which, being found right, that he may be put in possession of the said lands according to equity and justice, and he shall pray, &c.

The humble Petition of Fynin McCormuck to the Lords of the Council.

Irish Statute, 28 Elizabeth, Caput 7; in the year 1587. 30

Cormac Don Mac Carty was executed for Treason by verdict of XII men at Corke in Sir William Drurys time; and after, he was, at the last parliament at Dublyn, atteynted, so as his lands of Glan-y-cryme came to Her Majestie.

Teig O'Norsey Mac Carty, a younger brother to the said Cormac, who hathe occupied the said lands unjustlie ever since his brother's deathe, is nowe a suyter to surrender the said lands, and to retake them agayne of Her Majestie.

A cousin of his, named Finin Mac Cormac Mac Cartie, does crosse the said Teig in his sute, for that he pretendethe title to the said lands, but the flight thereof is in Her Majestie as aforesaid.

Draught of a letter from the lords to Sir William FitzWilliam, lord deputy of Ireland, 30 January 1587.

After, &c., &c., we have verie latelie receaved advertisements from the Lowe Countries that Sir William Standleie and Rowland Yorke, the one appointed by my Lord of Leicester to the government of the toune of Deventer, a place of great importaunce upon the Isell, the other to the commaunding of the fort before Zutphen, recovered this Sommer by his Lordship, have about the 19th of this present most disloially and treacherouslie delieured over the places committed to their severall charges into hands of the enemy, and withall not onley for there owne persons made a most shamefull and traitorous revolt and defection, but also seduced and drawen after them diverse others of her Majesties subjects, and namely those Irish bands serving under the said Stanley to do the like, to the great dishonour and sclaunder of the nation, and detriment of her Majesties service, which fact, as we find it straung, in respect of the said Stanley, considering the generall good opinion conceaved of his loialty and fidelity; so, nowe by many circumstances induced to thinke that this treasonable revolt of his hath proceeded of some other grounds then is yet discovered. And because we have receaved many advertisements of some foreine invasion intended this yeare by the Spaniard against that realm, wherin his long trauell and experience may make him a daungerous instrument for the enemy, we have thought it meete to give your Lordship knovledge thereof to thintent you maie carry a watchfull eie upon all such as you knowe to have bene his secrett freinds and dependants, and especially one Jacques de Francesco his lieutenaunt; of whom both in respect he is a straunger ill affected in relligion, and noted to have had some intelligences with Ballard, lately executed here for the conspiracie against her Majesties life, we thinke fitt to be removed out of his charge, and sent hither before this fact of his capten be divulged; bestowing such charge and commaundement as the said Stanley hath yet in enterteinement there upon such other as by your Lordship and the rest of the Council shall be found most meete and worthie for the same. We think it also meete that your Lordship, immediatly upon the receipt hereof, do cause his house to be verie narrowly searched, and his wife and children restrained, and such of his freinds and followers as you shall suspect, to be very diligently examined. [The rest is in Burghley's writing]. And for yt we here yt befor this his treaterross act, he did send some of his followars or servants from hym, as may be supposed to pass by sea into Irland, we thynk it covement that inquirey be made, what parties are come fro hym, or may hereafter arryve in yt realm, ether in ye province of Mouster or elswhere, and theruppon to mak stay of any such, and diligently to examyn them of the cause of ther coming, and of ye tyme of ther departur from Stanley; and furder, to use them as you shall thynk covenient, both for discovery of any ther lewd purposes; and also to stay the from any evill attempt yt may be in ther power, and of your doyngs we require to be advertised.

Sir Owen Mac Carthy Reagh to William Cecil, Lord Burghley, 23 December 1587.

To the Right Honourable and his singular good lorde the Lorde Burghleigh, Lorde High Treasurer of the Realme of England. 31

Right Honourable and my veray goode Lorde, my humble duetie don to your good Lordship. It may please your Honor to understand, that havinge spent so much money as I thought would suffice duringe myne aboade here, and remayning neverthelesse in debt of one hundreth pounds) I have been emboldened by your Lordships favourable inclynacion towards me, to direct the bearer myne agent, humblie praing your Honor to deliuer unto him, in Loane for me, 2 or 3 hundred £ for which I will passe a bande from me, to see it repaied either to the Deputie or to the President of Mounster, within two moneths after my landing in Ireland. And so (acknowledging myself bonde unto your Lordship during life) I humbly take leave.

From my Lodgings at Westmystre this 23d of December 1587. I humbly besech your Honourable Lordship to respect my present extremytie, and to suply my want with the Loane of one fortie ponds to refresh me theis holydayes.

Your Honorable Lordships obedient at Commaundment,
OWEN CARTY

'A True Copie of a Condicion made betwixt Maister Florence Mc Carty and the Earl of Clancare', 9 March 1588.

To all Christian 32 people to whome thies puts may appertayne; knowe ye that we the parties whose names are underwritten thineking it charitable to testifie the truethe, especially being thereunto required, at the request of the Right Honourable the Earle of Clancare, do witnesse as followe the, that wheare the said Earle hath covenaunted and passed writings to Mr. Florence Mc Carty for the injoyning of his daughter, dame Ellen, to wife, and hathe by several deeds contracted with the said Florence for the same; that upon the deliverye of all the sayd deeds, a condicion was mencioned by the said Earle by worde, and agreed unto by the said Florence, viz: that yf the said Florence might procure Her Majesties assent to the same marriage, and procure his patent to his Daughter aforesaid, and to the heyres of her body, then they meant the said deeds should staund in full force, otherwise should be of no effect in lawe.

In witnes whereof we have hereunto subscribed, and put our seales, being present at the delivery of the said Deeds, and the said contract between the said Earle and the said Florence.

RYCHARD POWER. JAMES TRANT. DENIS FALVET. PATRICE GALWEY. DERMODE LEYNE.

Examination of Florence MacCarthy, conducted 23 March 1588.

The Examination taken of Florence Mc Cartye the 23d March, 1588.

  • To the fyrst he saythe that he grew acquaynted with Sir William Stanley at sooche tyme as the sayd Sir William was Shrive of the County of Corke.
  • To the second he sayeth yt he never had any dealyngs with the said Sir William Stanley sythence his departure from Her Majesties servyce.
  • The thirde and 4 he denyeth, sayeing yt he never heard of Hurley sythnce his departur out of this realme.
  • To the fifth he saythe that he receyved a message from Jacques by Wayman, which was only to requyre the said Exa to pay £20, dewe unto one Mr. Marberry, servaunt to the Lord Chaunceler.
  • To the 6, 7, 8, 9, he aunswere the negative.
  • To the tenth he saythe he knowethe one Allen Martyn, a student of one of the Innes of Coort, and that he was made acquainted with him by one Mr. James Fitz Edmonde's sonne, or by one Garrett, Sir Walter Rayley's servant, but dothe not knowe that the sayd Allen had any dealyngs with the Duke of Parma.  33

St. Leger to the privy council, 14 May 1588.

Sir Warham St. Leger to the Lords of Her Majesties Privy Council.

The Marriage of Florence MacCarthy with the Earl of Clancars Daughter.34

Certaine perticuler matters to be imparted to the Queene's Moste Excellent, Majestie.

Florence, alias Fynan Mackkertie, hath latelie espoused the onlie daughter and child legittimate of the Earle of Clankertie, by a cunning practise contrived betweene ye Countesse, mother to the said childe, and the said Fynan, without her husband's consent, as yt is here given out by those that be favourers of that action (howe likelie the same ys to be treue, that a woman durste adventure to make such a match withoute her husbandes knowledge, I referr to her Majestie's deepe conceipte); for my owne parte, I do thinke in my conscyence yt is a secret practyse betweene the Earle and his wyfe; and the matter concluded in Englande before Phineans cominge thence, entendinge thereby to prevente the bestowinge of her by Her Highnes dyrections, and soe ys the generall oppynion of sundrie of her good and sounde subiects here, that are jelyous of the match as far forthe as myselfe.

The Perills that may accrue by the match are these, viz.:—

  • lst. The saied Florence, alias Fynian, is dyscended of the Doughter of Morrys of Desmonde, uncle of the late wicked Earle of Desmonde, cousyn germain to James Fytz Morrys sonne nowe in Spayne, and likewise to Morrys of Desmonde, Traytor, also in Spaine.
  • 2d. He is alsoe cosyn germain to him that is nowe Lord of Muskerye, whoe is sonne to the said Fynian's mother's syster.
  • 3rd. He is also cousyn germain to the Lord Rotche that now is, whoe haith married the syster of the saied Fynian's mother; by which kyndred he is stronglie allyed.
  • 4th. He is alsoe lyke, after the decease of Sir Owen Makertie, whoe is a man in yeares, and growne latelie sicklie, and thereby not likelie to lyve manye yeares, to have by Tanyshipp the goverment of the countrie of Carburye; unlesse he be prevented thereof by Her Majestie's assystinge Donell Mack Kertie, whoe in right ought by Tanyshipp to have the goverment of Carburie before him, in as much as he cometh of the elder brother of the Macke Kerties of Carburye, and besides that his tytle of Tanyshipp, he ought to have the countrie before Finian, in so much as he sheweth a Pattente from Her Majesties predecessors, whoe graunted the saied countrie to the heirs males of the Mack Kertie of Carburye, to hould the same by English Tenure; the which Pattente the saied Donell now maketh chalendge unto, beinge descended of the elder brother, and is in question with Sir Owen Macke Kertie for the enioying the benefytt of the saied Patente (much to the dyslike of the saied Sir Owen and Finian, whoe join together againste the saied Donell).
  • Notwithstanding the saied Sir Owen ys uncle to the said Donell as well as to Finian, by the which yt is here generally thought that the marke Sir Owen Mack Kertie and Fynian shooteth at ys to dysappoynte Donell, and Finian to take the place of the goverment of Carburye after Sir Owen's deathe, by Tanyshipp; and then atcheavinge to that, together withe the marriage of the Earle of Clancarties daughter, yf he maye, by his frinds in Englande, wynne by his match to succeade the Earle of Clankertie, as heire unto his countrye; howe perillous that maye be to make him soe greate, together with the allyaunces before recyted, and the allyaunce he is like to have by this marryage, by which all the Clan Kerties and there followers are to be at his devotion, I referr to her Majesties deepe consideration what maye growe thereof, if he should become undutyfull! of which, althoughe there be good hope to the contrarie, yet what yll counsell maye doe, he beinge greatly addicted to the brute sorte of those remote parties, and his mother in lawe, whoe is the chief contryver of this marriage, and whoe haith ben but a badd subiect unto Her Highnes, may worke on him, I lykewise referr to Her Majestie.
  • 5th. The yonge man is greatlie embrased in his countie, as also in this provynce; he haith ben anye tyme this seven or eight yeares greatlie addicted to learne the Spanysh tonge; and haith ben verey desierous, synce I have known him, to have the companye of Spanyerdes; the which tonge he haith obteyned. He is fervente in the olde Relygion, without which his mother in lawe woulde never have condyscended to have matcht her daughter with him; and I verelye thinke (yf it were duly examyned) he was marryed with a masse, and not by suche iniunctions as be sett downe by Her Highnes; nor yet had the lysence of the Bysshopp of this Dyocesse, to marrie without lawfull Banes asked; for there were verey fewe either of Carburye or Desmonde that were at the marryage. Either Sir Owen O'Syllyvan, or O'Sullevan Moore, I cannot tell whether one of them, was the onlye Gentleman that were at the solempnisinge thereof. It was verey secrethe done; and after the solempnizinge thereof (they thinckinge that it shoulde not be knowne), they sent lettres to overtake a messinger latelie sente from hence to the Earle of Clankertie, whoe shoulde have ben stayed yf he had not ben gone to the sea, before their messinger came to staye the former messinger.
  • 6th. The waye to prevente this, their cunynge practyse, is for Her Majestie to staye grauntynge the Earle of Clankerties enioyeng of his countrye to him, and to his heirs generall, and let him remayne as he doeth, whereby the countrie maye returne unto Her Highnes disposicon whensoever yt shall please God to call him out of this lyfe (not leavinge yssue male behinde him).
  • 7th. Another meane to cutt this youth from growinge to greate is for Her Majestie to allowe of Donell Mac Kerthies Pattente graunted by her predecessors, yf the Pattente be good, wherein Her Highnes shall not onlye doe Justyce, but withall cutt of Finyan's growinge to be to greate (the which is one of the greateste myscheives that doeth hurte in this her realme,) for they have alreadye enough, and a great deall more then they can well govern. In this my plaine wrytinge, I humblie beseech Her Majestie to graunte me pardon, protestinge to God, I do not wryte thus muche for mallyce to anye person, but onlye of mere zeall I professe to the safe Goverment of this Her Realme; for were yt not therefore, I coulde wyslie the Gentleman as much good as anie he that loves him beste. And so wyshinge all to fall out for the beste I leave; with my prayer to God to sende Her Maestie longe lyfe, with prosperous successe in all her doinges.

From Corke,

WARHAM SENT LEGER.
[Endorsed:] Sir Warham St. Leger's declaration to Her Majesty of the many inconveniences that may arise to the state of Ireland by the late marriage of Florence MacCarthy with the daughter and heir of the Earl of Clancar.

Extract from the first of three tracts sent to Burghley, June 1588.

The Earle of Glyncarr, before Her Majestie created him Earle, was by Inheritance Mc Cartie Moore; by the which amonge the Irishe he was accounted the cheefest in this Province, as descended from them that before they weave subdued to the Crowne of England, weare the Kinges of the greater parte thereof; and at the tyme of his creacion, and surrender of his formal titles, he had, and ever synce claymeth under his jurisdiction and dominion fourteene several countries, beside som of lesse quantitie; most of them possessed by such as have descended out of his house; from every of which he demandeth sondrie duties and services, whereof many are abolyshed by statute.

  • The First is the countrey of Mc Donochoe (called Duallo), which hath within it thre other countreis. O'Chalachan's countrey, McAunlief's countrey, and O'Keil's countrey. He claymeth in these countreis the gevinge of the Rodd to the chieffe Lords at their first entrie, who by receivinge a whit wande at his handes, for which they are to paie him a certen dutie, are therby declared from thenceforthe to be Lords of those countreis. He claymeth allso that they are to rise out with him when he makes wane; to maintaine for him seaven and twentie Galleglasses, besides to finde him for a certen tyme, when he cometh to their countreis.
  • The Second—the countrey of Muskerie, a very large countrey, wherin five other countreis are conteyned; he claymeth of them risinge out, the keapinge of thirtie galleglass, and findinge of him for a certen tyme. The Lordes of this countrey, by takinge Lettres Patents of the Kings of England, have exempted themsealves from him, as they affyrme.
  • The Third countrey is O'Sulivan Moore's. It conteyneth two hundred ploughlandes. He claymeth there the geavinge of the Rodd, the findinge of Fiftie Gallyglasses, Risinge out, and in yearely spendinge the value of £20.
  • The Fourth is O'Sulivan Beare's countrey, which conteyneth allso 160 ploughlands; he claymethe there Risinge out, the findinge of 50 Galleyglas, the geavinge of the Rodd, and to the value of £40 a yeare in spendings and refeccons.
  • The Fyft is O'Donochoe Moore's countrey. It conteyneth 45 ploughlands, and it is nowe all in the Earle's hands, by Her Majesties gyft.
  • The Sixt is the Lord of Cosmaignes countrey. It conteyneth 84 ploughlands. It is now all in the Earle's hands by Her Majesties gift, or ye most part thereof.
  • The Seaventh is the Lord of Kerslawny's [cois leamhna] countrey, otherwise called Slight Cormak. It conteyneth 35 ploughlands, whereof some are in the lie of Valentia. He claymeth there the geaving of the Rodd, Risinge out, the findinge of 40 Galleyglas, and to the value of £40 a yeare in spendinge.
  • The Eight is the Countrey of [Mac] Gelecudde. It contayneth 45 ploughlands He claymeth there Risinge out, the gevinge of the Rodde, the findinge of 30 Galleglas, and to the value of £20 a yeare in spendinge.
  • The Ninethe is Mac Fynin's Countrey [in Glenaraught, Co. Kerry], It conteyneth 28 ploughlands. He claymeth the givinge of the Rodd, the findinge of 15 Galleyglas, Risinge out, and to the value of £24 yearely in spendinge.
  • The Tenthe is the Countrey of Clandonoroe. It contayneth 24 Ploughlands. He claymeth theare Risinge out, and it is in the Erle's hands by Her Majesties Gyfte.
  • The Eleaventh is the Countrey of O'Donocho-Glan [O'Donoghue of Glenflesk, in Kerry]. He hath there no other dutie but onlly six and fortie shillings fourpence of yearelie Rent. The countrey conteyneth 20 ploughlands.
  • The Twelueth is the Countrey of Clan Dermonde. It conteyneth 28 ploughlands. He claymeth Risinge out, the keepinge of 16 Galleyglas, and in yearlie spendinge to the value of £40.
  • The Thirteenth is Clanlawra's [in O'Sullevan Beare's country]. This countrie conteyneth 32 ploughlands. It is all in the Earle's hands by Her Majesties gift.
  • The Fourteenthe is the Countrey of Loughlegh (loghlaoighech) [in Kerry] or of Teignitowin. It conteyneth 32 Ploughlands. The Earle claymeth it to be excheated unto him for want of Heires right and legitimate.

Moreover, the Earle hath in Chiefe Rents yssuinge out of Barrett's Countrey, by the cyttie of Corke, £11 a yeare; out of the Abbey of Killaha, £4 a yeare or thereabouts; out of Ballenskellig yearly as much. Out of certen churchland in Beare the like some; besides he hath in Demayne land in the hundreds of Maygonie and Euraught about his Castle of the Pallace [in Kerry], his Castle of Ballicarbery, Castle Lough, and the Abbey of Vriett [Muckrus], three score ploughlands or thereabouts. In O'Suliuan Beares Countrey, Muskery, and Duallo, or in Donochoe's Countrey, certen ploughlands; also in eache of them Demayne lands.

All his Lands and Territories lieth in the Counties of Desmond and Cork, and some parte in the county of Kerrie.

The most parte of his land is waste and uninhabited, which hath growne partly by the calamities of the late warres, partly by the exaccions that he hath used uppon his tenants.

It is of great consequence and importance unto our inhabitacion there, that the Earle's Estate be not enlarged, to the ende that after his decease, Englishe Gentlemen may be there planted, and all his dependences brought to hould onely of Her Majestie; unlesse it so weare that by Her Highnes favour and good likinge, his daughter weare maried to som worthy English Gentleman, and his lands assured after his deceasse to the heires males of their two bodies. In which case allso I wishe the keapinge of Galleyglas, Ridinge out, and ceassinge of souldiors, to be wholly extinguished, the spendings and Refeccons to be reduced to som money rent; the gevinge of the Rodd to be abolished, and all those meane Lords to hould their lands of Her Highnes.

As there is nothinge that the Irishe more esteme then the nobilitie of bloud, preferringe it farre before eyther vertue or wealth, so abhorre they nothinge more then disparagement, more odious unto them then Death; which well apeared in that late communicacon of mariadge betwene the Earle of Glyncarr's daughter, and supposed heire, and Sir Valentine Browne's yonger Sonne, which both by the Earle assented unto for money, and for reward by certen of his men negotiated in the countrey very earnestlie, as well for the matter, as for the maner of atchyvinge, wrought generally in those parts a bitter discontentment, so much the deepelier printed in their myndes, by how much the earnestlier it was borne them in hande (by those that undertooke to effect it), that it must needes take place, for that it was intended by the state; soe well liked of by Her Majestie, and so resolved upon by the Earle. The Countesse and yonge Lady came unto me, and divers of the Gentlemen of the countrey to acquaint me with their discontentment; and some others of the best of those partes discovered their grieffes by their lettres. Their mynde all then seemed to tende to the dislike of that place, and to desire that she mought be matched to some one of a noble howse; wherein they made great protestacons they would be much persuaded by me. I withall understood by some that weare privye to their myndes that (fearinge that matche should be forced upon them) they had an intencion to convay the yonge Lady into O'Ruirk's countrey (in the north part of Conaght), who not long synce is maried to the Cowntesse of Glyncarrs sister. I held it best, in respect of the tyme, to lessen theyr discontentment what I mought, and to assure them that it stoode not with the course of Her Majesties most blessed Government; neyther would the lawes of England permitt that any should be forced to marie against their wills, and that they weare to feare no such matter. I did besides, both by letters and message, deale with Sir Thomas Norrys, Vice President of Mounster, whom I then thought disposed to seate himselfe in these partes, that yf he could like of such a matche, and would to that ende become a petytioner unto Her Majestie for the renuinge of the Earle's letters Patents into a further estate, I would assist him to the uttermost of my small endeavour, and no whit doubted but the countrey should most readilie assent unto it. After some paines taken, he in the ende mysliked of it, beinge, as it seemed, otherwise disposed to bestowe himselfe. So the Countesse and the rest of those partes contynuinge in the feare of the former matche, and beinge in no hope of anie better, concluded soddenlie a manage with Florence Mc Cartie, who cam with the Vice President's warrants into the countrey to take possession of a Castle morgadged unto him by the Earle of Glycarre; of which matche the efficient cause I take to have byn a fonde feare, and a fonde desire: the instrumentall cause to have byn fonde cowncell: the feare was, that she must needes ells have byn maried to Mr. Browne: the desire was to contynue the Howse in the name, which by this matche they weare in a dooble hope to performe; fyrst, by Peticion unto Her Majestie, hopinge that Florence Mc Cartye had those frends, and that favor with Her Highnes, that his suite for the landes should be easilie obtayned; secondly, yf their peticions fayled, they hoped on their power; for that Florence Mc Cartie was like to be McCarthy Reoghe, and so by forces of both countreis, might attayne his pretended Rights; especially upon such opportunities as trobles in England, or disturbances here might produce; a matter of some consequence, and verie preiudiciall to the accion we here undertake, and so much the more to be looked unto, by howe much the McCarties pretende to have Right to the most of Mounster, wherof sometimes they weare Lords, and perhaps aspire to be Lords againe by meanes of this yonge Gentleman, beinge by the Father's side a Mc Cartye, and by the mother's side a Giraldyne, and therefore likelier to be favored in these partes.

This newe matche, the new settlinge of the Englishe (the English undertakers on the lands forfeited by the Earl of Desmond), the discontentment of the Irishe, the present state of the Province, the expectacion of some trouble in England, puttinge them in hope of due meanes and opportunities. The counsell herein, both evill given, and followed, proceeded (yf not higher) from the Lords of Countries within Desmond, and principall officers about the Earle of Glyncarre, who, heretofore accustomed to extorcions, oppressions, and spoiles, by the which they weare wont to be enriched, now bridled and restrained, they longe for their former estate, and are ympatient of justice, and good Government. The chiefe of those in this accon were O'Sullivan Moore, Lord of a great Countrey, the Earle's Seneschall and Marshall, married to Florens Mc Carthy's sister, able to make a hundred swords: Mac Fynine, Lord of a lesse Countrey, but more fruitfull, of lesse power then the other, maried to the Earle of Glyncarrs base daughter; Donell Mac Tybert, the Earle's Constable of his Castle of the Pallace, and chieffe officer of his lands, beinge principall of a populous Sept called the Mergies(?), and foster father to the yonge Lady; Hugh Mc Owen, Captaine of the Earle's Galleyglasse, and som others of their sorte. The remedies and prevencions of their hopes and intents, in my simple conceipt, will be to take order that Carberie shall descende accordinge to the lettres Patents of Her Highnes most renowned Father to Donell Mc Cartye, otherwise called Donell Pipi, and his heires lawfully begotten; and the agreement amonge themselves, made contrarie to the purport of the Letters pattents, to contynue no longer then duringe Sir Owen McCarties liefe. Secondly, Her Majestie to graunt no further estate of the Earle of Glyncarrs lands, but after his deceasse to plant therein English Gentlemen and Inhabitants. Thirdly, in the meane tyme to cause good pledgs and assurans to be taken of Florence McCartye, and the rest of the contrivers of this mariadge, of their loyaltie and good demeanure, which is in part allready don. Fourthly, to contynue the Earle of Glyncarr within the boundes of Lawe & justice, that he oppresse not his countrie, sellinge their landes and spoylinge their goodes, against all right; whereby the people, findinge their safetie in Her Majesties government, may the more affect it, and havinge amongst them fewe discontented, may the lesse be disposed to innovasions. 35

Extract from the second tract sent to Burghley, 12 June 1588.

That, as the Mariadge of Florence Mc Cartie to the Earle of Glyncarr's daughter tendeth to the disturbance of these partes yf it be not prevented, so, as great and as dangerous trobles will growe otherwise if it be not looked into in tyme!

Synce the discoverie of Florence Mc Carte's dryft, to joyne in himsealfe Desmond and Carberie, and so to erect againe the greatnes and tyranny of the McCarties, a counter-practise to the sealffe same ende, but by other meanes, partely for the hatred borne to our newe Inhabitacion, partely for the malice and dislike borne to Florence McCartie, but chielfely for ye desire to greaten their faction, and mayntayne the name and force of Mc Cartie Moore, hath byn entered into: the chieffe doer whereof was Sir Owen O'Sulivan of Beerhaven, he bearinge an impatient mynd of our neighbourhood, and thinkinge himsealfe wronged by Florence McCarty, who promised to mary his daughter, and fearinge some diminution of his owne estate by the suite of his nephewe Donell O'Sulivan, and desirous to have a frend of a Mc Carty, and so to make his partie good howsoever the world went; havinge on the one syde the Lorde Barrye, his brother-in-lawe and thine frend, who is but too great, contryved furthwyth first to enter into a league with Donell Mc Cartie, the Earle of Glyncarr's base Sonne, whom that countrey doth much favour, and would fayne have to be McCartie. Secondly, to allie himsealffe with the Knights of Kerrie's sonne and Heyre, the Chieffe of the Giraldines in these partes, likliest to drawe evill humours unto him, and to growe to badd action, beinge not able to recover what his father hath sould, but by force and stronge hande. These purposes Sir Owen (O'Sullevan Beare) did so pertinently pursue, that within few daies after that mariadge he sayled from his countrey to Desmonde, and there entringe into a league with his greatest enemye before, Donell Mc Carty, the Earle of Glyncarres base sone, thence came to Kerrie, and concluded a mariadge betwene his yonger daughter and the Knight of Kerrie's sonne & heire; hopinge, no doubt, that they two should drawe untoe them all the evill disposed of Kerrie and Desmonde; and he ioyninge with them his forces out of Beare, Bantrie, and other partes of the cowntie of Corke, should be able, when they sawe then tyme, to do in those partes what they thought good, which then purpose I hould no less requisite to be prevented, then the former drift of Florence Mc Cartie to the like ende.

The remedies seeme unto me to be these:—Sir Owen O'Sulivan committed to Warde, tyll he put in good pledgs and assurances for his Loyaltie! The apprehension of the Earle of Glyncarr's base sonne, and the execution of him by Justice, or by martiall Lawe, for breakinge Her Majesties prison, and livinge ever synce without pardon or protection, not submittinge himselfe to due Authoritie; or the imployment of him in some service out of these partes; the geving of Justice to the Inhabitants of Desmonde, that neyther by the Earle of Clancarties unlawfull graunts they be deprived of their lands, nor by the payment of his debtes spoyled of their goods; so, finding the sweete of her Majesties government they shall repose themselves theron most contentidly, and will not be drawne to any tumult, which the Earle doubtles in favour of his base sonne would gladly urge them unto when tyme favoured; and thereuntoe his dealings seeme untoe me to tende, directed by others that looke beyonde the present.

Sir Thomas Norreys to Walsingham, 1 July 1588.

Right Honourable my most bounden dewty remembred.

Whereas Her Majestie, by her lettres of 3d of June last past, gave me in commandent to comitt the body of Florence Mac Carthy, and thereupon to certifye Her Highnes of my doings therein, as also of the meanes and manner by which the sayd Florence compassed the mariage with the Earle of Clancarties daughter; for that the circumstances thereof doe inforce a tedious recitall, I presumed not to trouble Her Highnes with the particularities, but thought them rather meet to be advertized to your Honour (who hade alsoe written to me touching ye same) to thend that by your meanes the knowledg thereof might be delivered to Her Maesty at her good pleasure.

Upon the first arrivall of the sayd Florence here, coming unto me he gave no signe of any such purpose, as sithens fell out; but to give color (as semes) to his intent, and to draw me ye further from suspicion thereof, through his seeming conceived unkyndnes against ye Earle, he then discovered unto me some ill dealing of the sayd Earle towards him, namely how, that being bownd to him in great bands for assurance of certein lands, and for performance of some other condictions, amongst which one was, that he should give him his daughter in mariage, he neverthelesse had broken with him, and therefore offered me (Yf I should so lyke) the benefitt of the forfeitures of the sayd lands : which speaches (as sithens as I have conceived) seeme to have proceded of some further matter in ye secret of his harte, those his words being so contrary to that which he eftesoones did attempt. But the very grownd thereof (as I am informed, and as by many strong circumstances may be gathered) proceded from ye Earle himselfe, however sithens he would fynd himself grieved therewith, and was compacted betwene them in England at the sayd Florence's there late being, and not without the privitie and great furtheraunce of Sir Owen MacCarthy, who by all meanes endevoureth to back, and iniuriouslie to raise up the sayd Florence against his kinsman, Donell Mac Carthy, as well in ye succession of the Captency of his countrey, as also in all other causes, that may advauntage him thereunto; wherein yt it is very certein that ye Earle alsoe hath ever greatly favored him.

Besydes yt is here by manie reported (the further proofes whereof I have not yett had tyme to syfte out) that the sayd Earle gave to Flor. at his coming, his secrete lettres to his wife, to that effect which now hath happened; to whome presently after his arrivall he repayred with the same, and soone after dispatched his hidden intent. And for more lykelyhode that yt was then wrought and concluded in England, I am certeinlie given to understand, that at ye instant of his departure from thence, Captain Jaques being then in company with him, counseled him very earnestly, whatsoever he did, to goe through with the mariage out of hand; assuring him that for obteyning Her Majesties consent thereunto, he would so work which some of his frends there, that yt should be brought to passe; and to the end to be more spedily advertized of his proceedings, he sent a servaunt of his owne our hether in company with Flor., who upon conclusion of the matter was presentlie dispatched hence back agayne. The further knowledg and intent whereof may there, I think, best be boulted out of the sayd Jaques, who thereby seemeth to have beene acquainted with the enterprize from ye beginning, and to be privie to any other purpose that may depend thereupon; for sure yt carrieth great shewe of deepe consequence, considering how strongly ye sayd Florence is allied to such as evill may be looked from. 1st. His mother was sister to James Fitz Morice, the Arch Traytour, whereby he is nephew to the Lord Roche's wife, and to the Lord of Muscries mother; and coosen german to the Seneschall of Imokhillies wife; all which persons doe hang upon one weake thred, and have their eyes sett all upon hope of forreyne helpes: but namely, the sayd Lord Roche, who sheweth himself in all his behaveor, and also in some open speaches, to be discontented with this government, repyning obstinately against all directions of the State here, and supporting himself with the vayne conceipt of his secrete hope, whereof heretofore he hath, and yett dayly doth give apparent demonstrations: so that now the sayd Florence, by this his late knott hath given great strength to that syde, and hath combined all the releques of the House of James Fitz Morice to the kindred of the Clancarties, which being the greatest name and nacion now in Mounster (all Desmond, all Carbery, all Muscry, all Dowalla, being of that line), yt inferreth great importaunce, and matter of neare respect to be prevented, or at the least well eyed; the rather for that the sayd Clancarties have heretofore, before the comming in of the Geraldines uppon them, had all this province in their subieccion, the continuall memory whereof they yett use to nourish emongst them, and to deliver to their posterities by dew succession; and now this new occasion meeting in a man of the same race, being of his quality and sorte, who by blood is so nigh allyed to forreyne practizers; by difference of Religion devoted to the contrarie parte; by his owne private disposition hath always shewed himself dearly well affected and inclined to the Spaniard; being also generally favored of all his countrey, and now in very plausible acceptaunce, the rather for the late gratious fovours which he received of Her Majestie; and that by this attempt hath discovered his ambicious desyre to make himself great.

It is greatlie to be regarded, to what ende the same may grow. Moreover, now latelie (whether for any further intent, or that it is through his heedlesse unhappinesse so fallen out), he hath by all meanes laboured to be interested in the Old Head of Kinsale, which is the Lord Courcies auncient Manor House, and a place often heretofore eyed and earnestlie motioned, for opinion of great strength to be fortifyed; the title whereof he hath (as I understand) compassed, and was, the same day that he was apprehended, mynded to ryde thether to take possession of; all which concurring so daungerously to the encrease of doubt, I would therefore wish (under reformacion of better advizement) that tho' hereafter he shall, gaps, work himselfe grace or pardon of the present dislyke, yett that very good assuraunces be taken of him before his enlargement, for avoyding of the evills which are depending uppon the circumstances of person and condition. Him now I have according to Her High, pleasure committed; as also, according to your later direccion in your Honour's lettres of the 4th of the last moneth, have caused the Countesse, Mac Finin, Teig Merrigagh, and such others as I could learne to have bene privy to the practise, to be apprehended, as I could come by them; and doe not doubt but very shortly to come by the rest likewise, of the which I understand that O'Sullevan More was the greatest forwarder, and nearest of councell; though indeed all the chief of that countrey were wrought by Florence to consent thereunto, who (as I am lett to understand), before the mariage, gott all their hands to firme that agreement, by a generall confirmacion of them; and soone after accomplished the sayd mariage in an old broken church thereby, not in such solemnity and good sort as behoved, and as order of Law and Her Majesties iniunction doe require.

Thus am I carried by large relation of particulares into a tedious length of lines, which I besech your Lordship to pardon in regard of the urgentnes of the matter, and many occasions meeting in the same. Further, I have thought good to advertize your Lordship of the present good quiett of this province, in which yt is not unlikely to continew, yf forreyne invasion doe not occasion the chaunge, &c., &c.

THOS NORREYS. From Limerick,

'Notes for Her Majestie to consider of', 1 July 1588.

The strength of the Lords of great countries and theire allyance and followers.

The Earle of Clankertie that now is, corneth of thelder brother of that House.

The Lord of Muskery cometh of the Second House of the Clan Karties. Sir Owen Mc Kertie is, as the countrie saith, a bastard of the House of Clan Kerties, and thereby enioyeth the country of Carbery. Mac Donoghe, Captein of the Countrie of Dowalla, enioyeth, that Countrie as the third Sonne descended of the Howse of the Earle of Clan Kartie.

Dependers and Followers of the capteins of these Contries:—

  • To the Earle of Clan Kertie.—O'Sullyvan Moore, O'Sullyvan Beare, Mac Fynian. These are also of the House of Clan Kertie.
  • To the Lord of Muskery.—Teig Mc Owen of Drishain.
  • To the Lord of Carbery.—Sir Fynian O'Driscoe, Connoher Oh Driscoe, the Mahons, and their Septs.
  • To the Lord of Dowalla.—The Calahone, the Chieffe [O'Keefes]. The Earle of Clan Kartie doth appoint the Lord of this countrie.

Out of the House of Clan Kartie's are now lyving these that followe:—

  • 1st. The Earle of Clan Kertie that now is, who is without yssue male; he hath onely one daughter. After the Earle's decease his countrie is in Her Majestie to dispose. The Captein or Lord of Muskery, who hath two sonnes; and a brother called Teig Mc Dermonde, and Charles, sonne of Sir Cormac Teig, last Lord of Muskery.
  • Donell Mc Kerthie, alias Donell Pype, who is the right legetimate heir of the countrey of Carbery, descended of thelder brother of the Lord of Carbery. He hath two sonnes.
  • Florence Mac Kartie, descended of Sir Donogh McKarthy, second Brother of the Lord of Carbery, who is maryed to the only daughter of the Earle of Clan Kartie. He hath one brother lyvinge, called Cormac Mac Donoghe. (This Cormac was illegitimate; Florence's only legitimate brother was Dermod Moyle.)
  • Sir Owen Mc Karty, the thirde brother of the Lord of Carbery, is now Lord of that contrie, and hath three sonnes.
  • These that followe are allyd, and have matched with the House of Clan Karty:—A Syster of the late Earle of Desmond, married to the Earle of Clan Kartie. A syster of James Fitz Morrice was married to Sir Donoghe McCarty, by whome he had yssue Florence and his brother. Cormac Mc Dermode now Lord of Muskery's Mother was another Syster of the saide James Fitz Morrice, the Traytor.
  • The Lord Roche married a thirde Syster of the said James, by whom he hath a sonne and a daughther; which daughter is married to Mc Donoghe, now Lord of Dowalla.
  • The Seneschall is marryed to a daughter of the said James Fitz Morrice.

To conclude, when these great Lords of Countries, viz., the Earle of Clancarty, the Lords of Muskerrie, Carbery, Dowalla, O'Sullyvan Moore, O'Sullyvan Beare, being all Carties, and the Lord Roche, and Seneschall allyed by James Fitz Morryce to that howse, yf the match and greatnes of Florence Mc Kartie be not prevented, that Secte will growe greater in Mounster then ever the Earle of Desmonde was, and no lesse daungerous. The streingth of this house being so great there is great care to be taken that they may be kepte in such sorte as not to combyne themselves in stronger manner togither, then they are at this tyme; wherein especially care must be had that the mariage of Florence with the Earles daughter may be separated, and be cut off by lawe, yf by his demerits he hath deserved it.

Also, whereas Sir Owen Mc Karty, now Lord of Carbery, hath enlarged his possessions by getting the Lord Coorsies Countrey and other lands, it were convenient that Donell Pype's tytle to that countrie of Carbery should be favoured, who hath the best tytle thereunto; so neither of them shalbe half so strong as nowe one of them is. Likewise, where the Lord of Muskerry hath now that whole Countrey to himself, and hath enlarged the same by other gruants from Her Majestie, it were convenient that the tytle of the sonne to Sir Cormac Teig should be favoured, which Sir Cormac yelded up that Countrey to Her Majestie, and tooke it of Her Highnes to him and his heires; so, should the greatnes of one be abated, and be made equall, they will be opposite one to the other; and whereas there is Contencion for Doalla betwene two of the Mc Donoghes, it were likewise convenient, for the reasons aforesaid, that the countrey were devyded betwene them.

The Seneschall, Patricke Condon, Patrick Fitz Morryce, the Whyte Knight, are all suspected to be very dangerous persons, and nearer to be seen unto then others, the most of them having ben principall actors in the last rebellion.

Sir William Herbert to Walsingham, 12 July 1588.

To the Right Honourable Sir Francis Walsingham, Knight, Principal Secretary To Her Most Excellent Majestie.

Right Honourable: My most humble dewtie premised.

Since my last letters unto your Honor touchinge the mariage of the Earl of Clin Carrs daughter, thear have bean hear apprehended by Mr. Vice President's direction, beasyde Florence Mak Cartye, whom the Bishop of Corke tooke, The Countes of Clincarr, Mak Finnin, and others, whoe wear all comitted to Castlemayne. Mr. Sprenge, whoe apprehended them, had alsoe warrant for O'Sullivan Moore, whoe then was not in the countrey, but upon his retorne hearinge of it, repayred unto mea, and submitted himsealf to Her Majestye, whereupon I took order with him for his repayr to Mr. Vice President; mysealf having noe further direction for him: but in respect that it was mayde apparant unto mea that the Countes had don nothinge in the matter, but with the priuitea and approbation of the Earl, and that hea now maketh shew of the contrary, and wishethe the Countess troble and ruin, that by her deathe hea might aduance him sealf to som newe mariage, whearbye Her Majestye's right for Remaynder may bea impeatched, I was mooued both in comiseration of the Countesses poore and lamentable estate, and to preuent what I might, the euill that mowght insue of her troble, to beacom a Suiter unto the Vicepresident, for the enlardgment of the Countess out of that uile and unholsome place, and that shea might remayne with mea tyll Her Majestye's pleasure wear further known, which it pleased him to grawnt mea, whearof I have thought it my part to aduertise your Honor; conceauing, in my poore opinion, that the Countess, beaynge fair stroken in years, and without hope of childearne, wear to bea fauoured; and whereas she liued in extream misery, hauinge all this last year but 20 nobles allowed her toe mayntayne her sealf, her daughter and famelye, a stipend more likely to starve them then to sarue them, shea by your honorable fauor may haue som portion allowed her of her husband's liuinge to mayntayne hersealfe in som goode sort, beaynge the wyfe, sister, and dawghter of an Earl, euer of verye modest and good demeanure, though matched with one most disorderlye and dissolute.

Her affirmation touchinge the mariage is this (whitch shea offreth to proue by threa goode witnesses), that shea receaued a letter from the Earl toe repayr toe Corke, and thear to geau creadite to that whitch Patrike Galloway showld from him deliuer unto her, whoe thear gaue her to understande that it was the Earl's pleasure that shea showld send her dawghter ouer into Englande, or if shea thought not goode to doe soe, shea showld mary her daughter to Florence Mak Carty, and receau of him a band for the payment of toe or threa hundred pownde to the Earl of Clinn Karr in England: to the whitch she answeared that shea was willinge to send her daughter to Englande if thear had been any moneys sent ouer to furnish, or any fytt to attend her, or if any Gentleman of creadite had written that, at her cominge ouer, hea woolde haue had care of her; but to My Lorde of Clinkarrs care, soe unfurnished, and unprouided, shea durst not committ her, and thearfore enclined to the oother cowrs, the Earl puttinge it to her choyce: she protesteth that shea neuer harde that Her Majestye had forbidden the mariage, but had only denied to pass to them the lande. Hearof I thought goode to advertice your Honor, and that since this mariage I understand of another in hand no less dangerous, betwean Sir Owen O'Suilevan's daughter, beaynge the Lorde of Bear hauen, and one Donell Mak Cartye, the Earl of Clincarrs bass sone, whom the inhabitants of Desmonde much affect; hea is the only man in theas toe cowntres that leadeth a loose, disloyall life, shonninge all officers, and standinge upon his garde with some few followers, though doynge noe oother harme; it wear very requisite hea wear taken; thear is goode matter to bea objected agaynst him to cut him off, he will ells in tyme bread some troble; for in the first discents Bastardie is no impediment, and hea is a person both willinge and able to doe mischeaf. I haue euer bean of opinion that hea was to bea apprehended; the Vice President howldeth another cours.

It was prouidently layde down in Her Majestye's articles for the inhabitation of this prouince, that noe undertaker showld haue any bands of sowldiers in pay: I woolde it wear as well obseaured! I fear thear are, that to continew themsealves ill pay, can bea content to continew the province in troble, and I wonder it is soe quiett; for on the one syde the Gentlemen beaynge stroken, euill entreated, and abused, outrageous woordes and violent deads life and common towards all sorts of the Irish, on the oother syde the Vice President's sowldiers suffered to goe up and down the countrey, taking of mete and drinke and money for themselves, and theyr woomen and boys, uppon the poore people; it seameth unto mea the ready way to make the Irish weary of theyr loyaltie and of their lyues. Mysealf, accordinge to Her Majesty's directions, and to my most bownden dewtie, howldinge an upright cours of justice, without respect of persons or nations, and endeauouring thearby to reduce theas parts to a loue of justice and government, and to sutch quietnes and perfect obedience as Her Majestye should noe more nead to keap bands or garrisons hear then in Surrey or Middlesex,—feal and fynd dayly the mislike and malice that is borne mea for it; whitch as I haue toutched in som former letters of myne unto your Honor, so to acquaynt your Honor more thorowly with the estate of things, I make bowlde to send to your Honor what of late I haue written theareof to Mr. Vice President, and to Mr. Chiefe Justice, althowgh I look theare for little remedye, yeat to discharge my dewtie, and to clear mysealf of that suspition that myght bea couceaued of mea, I layd the whole matter before them, which I humbly beseatch your Honor to voutchsaf the perusall of. Amonge many defects I fynde in theas parts, I fynde none more then of a goode Bishop, whitch I wish to bea an Irishman, for soe might hea doe most goode. I hear that one Pattinson is a suiter for it, a most indiscreat, rash, and dissentious man, no way fytt for any goode function, as hereafter I shall make more clear unto your Honor. In the mean tyme I most humbly recommend unto your Honor my poor endeuors in these partes, wheareof sutch shall the effect bea as the countenance is that is geaven them; and without your honorable favor they must and will quayl; but I despayr not of that whitch I have ever found, and whitch I shall ever labor by the best meanes I may to demerite. I have sent your Honor, for a smale token of my most dewtifull goode will, a Goshawke. I wish shea prove as goode as shea is geauen with a goode hart.

I cease further to troble your Honor, and comitt the same to the tuition of the most Mightea.
WILLIAM HERBERT, From the Castle of the Iland,

Sir Thomas Norreys to Walsingham, 28 July 1588.

Right Honourable. My humble dutie premised.

By my former lettres I did at lardge advertize your Honor of the manner and meanes used by Mr. Florence McCartie, in contrivinge the marriadge betweene him and the Erle of Clancarties daughter, and therefore thinke it nedeles to troble your Honor furder therewith; but beinge now mynded to send over his man, he hath earnestlie entreated me to recommende him by my lettres unto your Honor's good favour, which I have the rather presumed to doe, as well by reason of the good demenour and carriadge of himself, wherewith I have ben longer acquainted, as allso for that havinge sundri tymes sithens his commitment had conference with him, I fynde him verry penitente for his falt so offensive to her Majestie, protestinge that the ignorance of her Highness' pleasure, and no illmeaninge in himself was the cause of his error, the consideracion of which I leave to your Honor's grave judgment, and so comittinge the same to Godes holie tucion, doe most humblie take leave this 28 July 1588.

THOMAS NORREYS. Corke.

Norreys to Walsingham, 30 September 1588.

Right Honourable My dutye most humblye promised.

Mr. John Fitz Edmond of Cloyne havynge intelligence that some of his adversaryes in England have informed your Honor that he should be a practyser in compassynge ye matche betwene the Earle of Clan Kartye's daughter and Florence Mc Kartye, and therefore requested me to certifye my knoleadge therin to your Honor, for the better avoydinge the sayd suggestyon. And for that, upon the fyrst receapt of Her Majesties lettres, I made verye earnest and diligent enquyrye for all such as were compassers, or anye waye dealers in the sayd matche, it appered that the Countesse of Clankartye hersealfe had bene with the sayd Mr. Fitz Edmond for advise and councell therein, and that he utterlye refused anye waye to deale in the matter, altogether diswadinge the Countesse, and shewinge what dangers and inconnnodytyes would thereof ensue to all that dealte in the same, as by the testymonye of Mr. James Roanan and Wylliam Roache, boath me of Corke, and verye suffytyent men, dyd appeere: in respeacte whereof, and the good caryage of the gentleman beinge, since I had charge in this purveynce, verye forward, and alwayes readye and well furnyshed to answere anye services as neede requyred, and wythall most wyllinge to discour the bad practyses of lewd persones, I could not refuse to afford him my lettre to your Honours, referrynge the consyderatyon thereof to your Honours grave iudgement. So humblye takinge leave, I commytt your Honour to God's most holye Tuytyon.

THOS NORREYS. Youghall,

Sir Valentine Browne to Walsingham, 16 October 1588.

I am not a shameles suitor, and cannot therefore advaunce my longer services wit importunitie, and therefore have the more neade of such Honour favours, whereof I had never more nead then nowe, havinge with manie thwarts beene greatlie burdened by chardge; firste ymployed as an undertaker, and my landes given from me by Her Majestie to the Earle of Clan Carre, and next by dealinge with the same Earle for the redempcion thereof from him; and the more to increase the same, the horsemen allowed untoe me, are with the rest to be presentlie dischardged, and so layde uppon my burden; wherein I crave yourhealpe to have a contynuance for four or five yeares of twelve onlie, for that I stand in greate doubte that all the Mc Carties will joyne against my three sonnes that are possessed of those lands which Florence McCartie did chieflie looke to have had uppon the marriadge of the Earle's daughter; and beinge soe (as I am advertised yt is), withoute her Majesties assistaunce,—lyinge so farre remote from this state,—they shall never be able to holde owte. Donell Mc Carthie, thEarle's bastarde, is gone to the woodes, and lyethe as an owte lawe, resortinge contynually to the Mc Carthies of Carbrye, and is there secretlie supported. Yt were not good that those countreis should be loste in thErle's tyme, for puttinge Her Majestie to greate chardge in recoveringe the same, except shee will yealde all unto them, as Florence Mc Cartye and his friendes dothe not sticke to reporte she will; and allso alio we of the marriadge, which (as he falslie publishethe) was not forbydden him; and so at Corcke, where he remaynethe with the resorte of his frends and thEarle's daughter, with small restraynte, he rather reioyceth with banquettinge, then that he seemethe sorie for his contempte. And yf he and the rest were removed thence, and broughte to Dublin, it woulde be more securyte to her Highness, and cause them the better to knowe themselves. I am hartelie sorrie to heare of your often sicknes, and so praie to the Lord Almightie to restore you to perfecte healthe, and longe contynuance of the same.

At Dublin

Your Honor's bounden at commaundment,
VALENTYNE BROWNE.
To the RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR FRANCIS WALSYNGHAM, &.c

Sir William Herbert 36 to Burghley, 20 October 1588.

I have just caus to be agreaued that Her Majestye is abused with sutch undertakers, I associated with sutch companions, and an honourable accion disgraced with such lewd, indiscreat, and insufficient men. I thinke mysealf nothinge too hasty in writinge to my Lord Threasurer, for it is high tyme theas frawds wear met withal, and tyme doth not alter, but confirm my opinion. Theas horsemen are a superflous chardge unto Her Highnes: soe wrott I to Mr. Secretary som months since, and soe avowed I to Mr. Attorney Generall at his beinge hear in Munster.

St. Leger to the lords, 7 December 1588.

To cut of foraine attempts, and the daunger that maie growe to the disturbance of this Realme, the Seneschall, Patricke Fitzmorris, and Patricke Condone, nowe captyves in the said Castell of Dublin, woulde be made shorter by the heades if they maie be brought within compasse of lawe; and if the white Knighte and his sonn in lawe, Donoge Mac Cormack, kept them companie, they were well rydd out of this commonwealth; and yf they cannot be brought within compasse of lawe, whereby they maie have their iuste desertes, then woulde they be commytted to some safe prysone in Englande; for assuredliey yf they remaine where they are, they will, at one tyme or other, breake pryson, for the which, yf they doe, they will cause the Queene to spende £100,000! they will never be goode excepte they were to he made again newe, being periured wretches, some of them having twyce forsworne themselves before me uppon the Testamente, and therefore yt were a good sacryfice to God to rydd them out of this worlde, where they will never do good. We have nowe sente from hence to Doblyn to the Lord Chancellor (by dyrection from the Lord Deputie) Florence Mac Cartie, whoe contemptuously haithmarryed the Earle of Clankers onelie daughter, to answere that his doinges. It were good for this Goverment yf he were, for his contempte, keepte a prysoner duringe this daungerous tyme, he beinge a person that the mailecontentes of this provynce greatlie bende themselves unto, and the onlie man, in their conceiptes, lykelie againe to set up the House of the Garaldynes, of which he is dyscended by his Mother, whoe was daughter to Morrys of Desmonde, unkell to the late wicked Earle of Desmonde; by which parentage, together with his own, beinge dyscended out of one of the chiefe of the house of the Claukerties, he is like to be a person of greate power, yf he be not prevented, and his ambitious desiers cutt shorte, &c.

And yf Sir Owen Mac Cartie were also appoynted to remayne in Englande and his twoe sonnes with him, tyll the worlde be quyeter, yt were a happie turne for this ende of Irelande; for assuredlie, my Lord, although Sir Owen be aymple in shewe, yet is he a verey ipocryte, and one that carrieth as cankerd a mynd towardes English Goverment as anie one of them, yf he durste shewe it, &c. And chiefelie yf the marriage of Florence McCartie maie be undone, and she marryed to some English Gentlemen by the Queen's appoyntment; whereby her father maie be (by him that shall marrie her) dyrected to governe his countrie accordinge to the lawes of this realm, which is the daungereste countrie for forraine invasyon to attempte, that appertayneth to this realm. 37

WARHAM SAINTLEGER. From Corke,

'The demaundes of Sir Owen Hopton, Knight, Lewitennant of Her Majestie's Tower of London, for the Diette and other chardges of Prisoners in his custodie, from the Nativitie of Our Saviour Christe last paste, 1588, Till Th'Annunciacion of Our Blessed Ladye the Virgyn then nexte following, beeinge one quarter of a yeare, as hereafter is particularly declared.' 38

Florence Mac Carty.

For the dyette & other chardges of Florence Mac Carty from the xh of Februarye, 1588, till the xxjvh of March then nexte followinge, beeinge vj weekes at xxvj shillings viii pence the weeke. For himselfe, £viij.

  • Item, One Keeper at v shillings the weeke, xxx shillings.
  • Item, Fewell and Candell at iiij shillings the weeke, xxiiij shillings39

Totalis, £x. xiiij shillings.

Herbert to Burghley, 27 December 1588.

My dislick of the proceedings hear, contrary to the purport of Her Majesty's articles, and the ground plott of this accion [the undertaking of the lands of the Irish] hath drawn upon mea the enmitea of Sir Valentine Browne, Sir Edward Denny, and others of that sort, that measur conscience by comodite, and law by lust. They are growne to a combinacion and a resolucion, resemblinge that mentioned in the 2nd chapter of the wisdome of Solomon, &c. &c.

Herbert to Walsingham, 27 December 1588.

I desire nothinge more then that my whole woords, deads, and demeanure in theas parts may bea called in question. I dowbt not to have the testimonye for mea, of the Bishops, Judges, Magistrates of citeas, and gravest and wisest of this province, the generall voyce of theas toe counties, the judgement of my Lord Deputye, and of the Chief of this Estate; and the very letters and handwrytinges of my greatest adversaryes, whoes accusations shall prove myne ornament, and whoes combinations shall discover theyr shame, if I may have justice. I must confess, I have in hart abhorred many of theyr actions, but never any of themsealves. I have ever wished them well, but could not brooke that whitch I knew evill; they on the other side detract and detest all my doynges; not becaus they are evill, but becaus they are myne. Hearof it is that Sir Edwde Denye mislickes any that affects mea, tells everye body that hea will doe more for them then twenty Sir William Herberts, that hea is your Honor's coosen Germane, and that Ireland shall know him soe to bea before Easter; that I pretend the authoritea I have not, and exercies the Government never committed unto mea, endevor to dischardge a trust never reposed in mea, and delude the people with hope of reformations of iniuries, that lieth not in my power to procure. But having of recitall of woords far woors, and deads many, marvelous, injurious, which for threa especiall causes (beasydes many other), I have endured with great patience. First, for that hea was a Groome of her Majesty's privye chamber; secondly, for that hea was your Honor's kinsman; thirdly, for that whitch I will pass with greafe and scilence, and whitch tyme and his own actions will discover. Whearin he is spurred on by Springe, Constable of Castlemayne, assisted by Mr. Browne, with all oothers in theas parts that measure theyr conscience by theayr comoditie. I cannot omitt what passingly displeased mea. Thoes rare thinges in trewth of goode valew of the Duke of Medina Sidonea's cast into his hands, as I enterpreat, by God's providence (to the end they might bea presented to Her Majestyea), hea beayinge Her Highnes' sworne servant, of Her Privye Chamber, sworne councellor of this province, sworne sheriff of this county, hea shewed ceayrteyn frends of his at his hous of Trally, and declared how hea ment to dispose of every part of them; som to this nobleman, some to that; one thinge thear was whitch coest threa thowsand Duketts in Spayn; that hea sayed hea shoulde, but woolde not, bestowe upon your Honor; for that your Honor was allreadye sufficientlye bent to doe him goode; but hea woolde bestow it upon anoother, that had diswaded Her Majestye from forgeavinge him the rent of his signorye, whome by that gift hea hoped to make his frend.

For that I mean to take 6000 akers within the countye of Kerry, and am desirous to have oother 6000 akers in the countye of Desmonde, after the Earl of Glincarr's death, I beseatch your Honorable favour and furtherance to Her Majesty, that I may thear have Castle Logh, the Pallace, and Ballicarbry, with 6000 akers of land about them. I write the rather thus tymely, if not out of tyme, least some other shoolde first make means and suit for them.

Nicholas Browne to Walsingham, 6 January 1589.

My humble duty remembred. Right Honourable with no les thankes to your Honor for your favor and furtherance shewed unto me, wherby I presume thus fur to treble you, by whose good meanes I may be rid of troble iminent unto me. So yt is, Right Honourable that the mariadge betwene the Erle of Clancarthys daughter and myself breaking of, by contempt againste Her Majestie, and contrarye to her consent given therein to me, I was allotted 12 horsemen in pay, for the better defence of myself and my brothren who are the onelie English that ar residint in that remote wilde place of all the west of Ireland; of the which horsemen we ar discharged, whose services upon the Spaniards, with whose repetition I will not troble you which is [defaced] so prejudiciall to our state, that we shalbe constrained, to our utter undoinge, to leave the contrey, where our expenses have benn greate, and to wery Her Majestie with sute for recompence, whose title to the whole Erldom after the disseas of this man, if it be not prevented, will not be without great chardg recovered or maintained. My humble suite unto your good Honor therefore is this, that as unto a pore follower of your's, you will be a means to Her Highnes eytherto restore me to my former number of horsmen, or in lieu of them 20 fotemen, or els, for my further conntennance, and les chardg to Her Majestie to derecte her lettres to hir Deputye here, to appoint me hir officer, and Shriffe (which place I have heretofore executed) over Desmond and Kerry duringe the space of some 4 or five year next ensuinge: which motion, if your Honor shall first like, and then make in my behalfe unto Her Majestie, her title dependinge so much uppon yt, and the preservacion of us, there is verye good hope of Her Highnes allowing therof, and your Honor shall bind us in great dutye devote unto your sarvice. Thus wishinge your Honor long life, good health, and all increase of Honnor, I humbly leave you to the tuityon of th Almightye. 40

Your Honor's humble follower,
NICHOLAS BROWNE. From Dublin,

Fitzwilliam to Walsingham, 28 January 1589.

SIR,—

Your letter of the 19th of the last, signifyinge your Honour's expectacon of Florence McCartie's dispatche thetherwards, I receaved not till the 19th of this instant, whome nowe I have sent by my man Chichester, this bearer, hauing not before receaved other direction thence, then for the separatinge of the yonge Lady from him, and the removinge of him from Corke to Dublin, both which were accomplished, and she delivered by the Erle her father's appointment to the keping of certaine of his own servants.

P.S. I am credibly informed that one William Hurlye, late of England, followinge some causes of Florence McCartie, his Master, under color of going into Ireland, slipt into France, where it is said he is: And that one Allen Martin, of Gallwaie, either is, or the last somer was, with the Duke of Parma, from the said Florence. I have sent to Gallwaie for that Allen Martyn to be brought unto me, yf he be there to be had; and I have laied for William Hurley at his retorne, whome yf I gett, I will send over unto your Honor.

H. FITZ WILLIAMS. From Her Majesty's Castle of Dublin,

'This was the Relation and State of English in Munster given to Her Majesty's Attorney-General (Sir John Popham) and Sir Edward Phyton the last summer, and sithence — Table of Undertakers in February, 1589.'

In Kerry and Desmond at Eight Pence an Acre.

Names Acres People Rent
Sir Valentine Browne600020£100
Sir Edward Denny600020£100
Sir William Herbert and Sir Charles Herbert1800020£300

Conelogh [Connilloe] at 4 pence the…

Conelogh [Connilloe] at 4 pence the Acre.

Names Acres People Rent
Mr. Trencher1200037£150
Sir William Courtney1200037£150
Mr. Oughtread1200022£150
Mr. Billingsby12000137£150
Mr Edward Barkley12000137£150

Cork at one penny the Acre.…

Cork at one penny the Acre.

Names Acres People Rent
Hugh Cuffe1200074£66 13 shillings 4 pence
Arthur Hyde600024£23 6 shillings 8 pence
Phaane Beacher1200012£66 13 shillings 4 pence
Hugh Worthe1200012£66 13 shillings 4 pence
Sir Warham St Leger and Sir Richard Grynfield1200012£33 6 shillings 8 pence
Arthur Robyns400012£22 4 shillings 5 pence
George Robynson400012£22 4 shillings 5 pence
Mr. Read300012£16 14 shillings 4 pence

Limerick at 2d. ob. (2 1/2).Tipperary…

Limerick at 2d. ob. (2 1/2).

Tipperary and Waterford at 1d. quarter. (1d. 1/4).

Names Acres People Rent
Sir Edward Phyton, and Richard Bould, and Thomas Preston1100060£80
Richard Phyton and Alexander Phyton200020...
The Earl of Uremont [Ormond] (he entered but lately)300030£16 13 shillings 4 pence
Thomas Fleetwood300022£16 13 shillings 4 pence
Marmaduke Redman, but now dispossessed by Patrick Condon. His petition is with Mr. Secretary300022£16 13 shillings 4 pence
Sir Walter Raleigh and his associates36000......
My Lord Chancellor6000200£33 6 shillings 8 pence

Mr. Attorney (Popham), Mr. Edward Rogers…

Mr. Attorney (Popham), Mr. Edward Rogers (Popham's son-in-law), and Mr. Warre have had above sixty Englishmen there these two years, and now for want of land are driven to call them home again; besides there were divers women and servants. Also Sir Warham St. Leger, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Edward Denny, Sir William Herbert, Sir Thomas Norreys, Sir George Bourchier, Sir Edward Barclay, Denzill Hollis, Arthur Robyns, and Mr. Read have no English people numbered by us, because we have not been informed of them.

Also that the Rent of Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Edward Denny, Denzill Hollis, and Richard and Alexander Phyton are not rated, because we know them not.

Note also, the chargeable lands are not valued, nor many other parcels lying dispersed.

E. PHYTON.J. POPHAM.

People, 661.
£1674 14 shillings 10 pence.

Sir Warham St. Leger to Burghley, 18 February 1589.

[The Flight of Florence's Wife.]

I judge it my dutie to advertise you what hathe happened since I last wrote. The yonge Ladie (beinge comytted in this Towne to the safe keepinge of the Gentleman Porter), on Fridaie wass a sennighte, late towardes nighte, aboute the shut tinge of the gates, stale out of this Towne disguysed, and a maide of hers with her. What is become of her it cannot yet certenlie be learned. I am informed (by a gentleman of good creadyt, of the countrie of Carburie, whence Florence McCartie is) that a man of the saied Florences, called Bryan Carda, in English called Bryan of the Cards (a nickname geven him, because he is cunnynge at the cardes), receyved her without the gates, beinge her guyde. Whither she is gone; and yf that be true, then her departure out of this Towne is not without the cousente of the said Florence; and it is greatlie to be presumed that he is acquaynted with her goinge, for that he sent a messinger unto her secretlie from Doblyn, upon whose comminge unto her, and returninge unto him againe, she the morrowe after stale out of this Towne.

Her conveighance is marvellous secretlie kept, and a greate cunnynge used by her close keepeinge, thinkinge thereby to keape her absent tyll she be of full yeres of consente irrevocable, he doubtinge, that yf she sholde have ben delyvered unto her Father (she beinge under yeres), her father might persuade her to yeld to be devorsed from Florence; the which might very well have ben don, had she not ben conveighed awaie as she is.

She was the slenderlier lookte unto by the gentleman porter, for that the said Florence, before his departure out of this Towne to Dobylyn, entered in band of recognisaunce before me of fower hunched poundes to the Quenes Majesties use, that she sholde remayne in this Towne true prysoner till she were delyvered by order from Her Highnes out of Inglande: the which bande he hath forfeycted to her Majestie (a thinge that wolde not be let goe with him) by this (and other) forfietures Her Highnes may take into her handes a castell and lands of great importaunce, called Castell Lough, the which the said Florence haith in mortgage of the Earle of Clancartie for the sum of fower or fyve hunched Poundes he lente to the saide Earle. It is the strongeste scytuacion of a castell that is in Irelande; a thinge of that force, as a lytle fortyfycacion would make yt imprignable, and therefore (not offendinge in this my writinge), a matter not to be forstoude, but Her Highnes to enter thereon. (The Castle stands in a great Lough, where there is great store of orient pearls found.)

WARHAM SAINTLEGER.

Letter of Sir John Popham, 4 March 1589.

John Popham placed himself at Mallow being but 6000 acres, and at the earnest request of Sir Thomas Norreys, and sundry of the Genttlemen undertakers, left it unto Sir Thomas Norreys, who expecting to have been placed at Imokilly, and finding no place there, for that it is all claimed as chargeable lands, sent his people to the Bantry, where Edward Rogers, Esquire was to have been placed; and finding there in all not passing 4000 acres, the place being far off and dangerous, and all the rest thereabouts claimed by others of the Irish, is driven, and the same Edward Rogers also, to return all their people, saving some few that of themselves are contented still to stay there. John Beecher hath the one-half of Kinalmeaky passed unto him by patent; he sold not, nor yet doeth enjoy it quietly, in respect of Mac Carthy Reagh, and the O'Mahons, although the titles were this summer adjudged against Mac Carthy Reagh, and therefore not many people are there as yet. Hugh Worth hath the other moiety of Kinalmeaky, who hath received the like disturbance, and therefore hath had few there.

JOHN POPHAM.

Norreys to Walsingham, 8 March 1589.

Right Honourable my dutie premised with all humilitie.

At such tyme as I was called by the Lord Deputie to the service in Ulster, it pleased His Lordship to send direction to Sir Warham St. Leger, and the Justices to whom in my absence the chardge of the Province was comitted for the sendinge upp of the yonge Ladie of Clancartie to Dublin, which, as well in respecte of her yong yeares, as for wante of convenient means to convey her thether, they did not greatlie hasten; and moved with pittie, not suspectinge any gile, were perswaded to allow her the libertye of the Towne, and to comitt her to the chardge of a merchant, onelie takinge bandes of Florence MacCarty that she shold remayne treu prisoner there, who, as I am crediblie informed, hath by secret meanes seduced her to abandon the place, and to convey herself either to England or ellswhere, covertlie to be shrowded, abusinge thereby the lenity that hath ben used towardes her, and practisinge by this meanes to prevent yt which your Honors hath determined, which I have hetherto consealed, beinge still in hope, by some means to have notice of her, whereof beinge now somewhat clowtefull, and having withall so good opportunity, I thought it my dutie to advertise your Honor thereof, as well in myne owne dischardge as to make him better knowen unto your Honor who hath ben the worker of it, leaving the consideracion thereof to your Honor's grave judgment, and so forbearing at this tyme furder to troble your Honor, committ the same to Gode's Holie tuicion.

THOS. NORREYS. Shandon,

Mr. Justice Smyth to Walsingham, 11 March 1589.

My dewti to your Honor most humbly remembred.

Pleasth the same to be advertised, that wee cannot learne as yett whither Clancarty's daughter hath conveyde herself, although eversithens her departure, nowe a monthe paste, her neareste alies, fosterers, and frinds remayne in durance, to make them thereby declare their knowledges of her. It is thoughte by us here to have happened by the practices of Mr. Florence McCarty. She is nowe knowne not to be with chylde, as he untreuly made us belive she was. In my late beinge in Dublin, I heard that Florence was apointed by our foreyne enemyes to be Lord President of Mounster by a Spanish comyssion. He hath forfeyted a Recognizans of £400 by her escape and flight, in which he was bound shea shold remayne trew prysoner, and nott seeke to escape.

J. SMYTHE.

'Articles to be mynistred unto Florence Mac Carty.' 23 March 1589.

  • What acquaintance he hath had with Sir William Stanley? How long, and when he laste sawe him?
  • What lettres he hath written to Sir William Stanley, or receaved from him, and by whom the same were convayed? as also what messages have passed betwene them since their first acquaintance?
  • What message he hath sent unto the said Stanley, or to any other in the partes beyond the seas, by William Hurley, his late agent?
  • What was the cause of the said agent's going beyonde the seas?
  • What lettres or messages have passed betwen one Jacques Francischi, sometimes Sir William Stanley's Lieutenant, and one Wayman, Ensigne to the said Stanley, and whither he did not speake with the said Wayman before his departure out of Ireland.
  • Whither he do not knowe one Ed. Bremyngham that hath remayned some good time here in England?
  • Whither he was not previe unto certaine messages or lettres sent by the said Bremingham unto Sir William Stanley, or anie other person in forraine partes?
  • Whither he did not knowe one Donough O'Conar, an Ierish man and an artificer dwelling in London, and whither the said Donough O'Conar were not sent about some speciall matter with Edward Bremyngham to the Duke of Parma.
  • What messages or lettres have passed betwen the said examinate and certaine Ierish Busshops, and others of that nation remayning in Spaine, within the space of 2 yeares?
  • Whither he did not knowe one Allen Martin of Galloway, and whither he were not made previe to certaine messages and lettres of his that were sent to the Duke of Parma?

Letter of Florence MacCarthy, Tower of London, 31 March 1589.

After hartie commendations, and for as much as I am as yett uncerten when I shall retourne into those parts, I have thought good, to desire you, that uppon sight hereoff, yo do not fayle to deliuer my blak silk stoquenes (which I left you in trust to receive with the three bookes which I left with you to be kepte) to Mr. Browne, praiinge him, in my behalf, that he do not fayle to deliuer those to som marchant of Dublinge that is his trusty frend, gevenge him express charge to see those thinges salfely deliuered at Mr Clasies at Westmester, in Kinges-streete, to Mrs Catherne Buttler, Attendaunte uppon the Lady of Ormond, to be deliuered to me, writtinge a letter to the sayd Catherne to that effect. Thus leueinge to troble you further, with my hartie commendations to my Frends, I take leue. 41

At the Towre,

Your loueinge Frend,
ffLOR: McCARTHY.

Letter of Florence MacCarthy, 31 March 1589.

The sureties that are now presently readie to enter into bonds for my true imprisonment are these whose names are under written.

  • Mr. Charles Mac Carthy, son and heire to Donogh Mac Cormack Mac Carthy, als McDonogh, Chefe Lorde of the contrie of Dowalla in Cork.
  • Mr. Piers Butler of Knok-in-anama which is his chefe house. He is son to the Lord of Caher, and brother to the Lord of Cahir that now is, his liueing stands in the comitatus of Tiperary nere the towne of Clounmell.
  • Capten Edwarde Fitz Geralde, son to Sir Maurice Fitz Thomas of Laikagh. He is of the House of Kildare, and his Liueinge stands in the comitatus of Kildare in the province of Leinster.
  • Mr Ceallaghan Mac Conoghoir, son and heir to O'Ceallaghain, chefe Lorde of O'Ceallaghan's countrie, that stands in the comitatus of Corck by the Towne of Mala.
  • They are all knowen to those of the Councell of Ireland that are appointed comissioners to heare Ireish causes, and to diuers other Gentlemen of this land, such as dwells, or hath to do, in Mounster chefelie.

St. Leger to Burghley, 22 June 1589.

The Earle of Clanker upon Tuesdaie laste cam with a hundred men with him in forceable manner to a peece of grownde founde in offyce for the Queenes Majestie called Clan Donnell Roe, being xxvtie plowe landes, the which Landes one Alexander Clarke holdeth as an undertaker from Mr. Attorney generall of Englande, yt beinge parcell of the Seignyorie that her highnes dysposed on the said Mr. Attorney, and dyspossessed the said Clarke, threatning him that yf he wolde not departe the landes he wolde kyll him and all his, usinge farder prowde contemptuous wordes to the said Clarke, whoe reproved him for his presumptuous dealinge, in dyspossessinge him out of the Queenes landes, sainge to him thatyt wold not be well taken of the Lord Deputie, and Vicepresydent when he shold complaine to them of these his doinges. The said Earle prowdlie answeringe him, that nether the Lord Deputie nor Vicepresydent sholde have to do with those landes, for rather he wolde spende his lyfe then anie man shold enioy those landes but him selfe. Sainge furder to the said Clarke that yf he and his companie wold not departe those landes, he wold cut them in peeces. And presentlie willed his men to kyll the said Clarke, which they had don, he beinge amongste them, had he not ben mounted upon a good horse, they beinge a foote, and through a pystall he had, which he bent againste them, and by that meanes and his horse together broke from amongste them, othervvyse he had not come hither to have declared his griefe. And not thus coutented with his unlawfull acte, he tooke from the said grounde twoe paier geldinges, and a hackney, caryinge them with him into his contrie, and will not delyver them. And besydes sent certen of his men to take such other cattell as there was upon the saide grounde, but those were rescued by Clarke and his companie. By this his outragious doinge and threatninge wordes the poore gentleman is constrayned to forsake the grounde, a matter (under correction) not to be let passe over without severe punyshment; for yf this be suffered to be let goe with him, unpunyshed, in vayne will it be for anie undertakers to settle in this contrie. I wold to God that the said wicked Earle had ben kepte in Inglande when he was there, for he was never borne to do good to this contrie. It is greatlie to be feared that his doinges ys but a preparatyve to a furder myschiefe. The cause that moveth me thus much to wryte is for that Base sonn of his called Donnell Mac Cartie haith latelie mordered an honeste subiecte of the Queene dwellinge in Desmonde for reprovinge him in usinge Irish extorcions, who presentlie (upon fyndinge falte with him therefore) with his skeyne stobd him in thre or fower places in the bodie, whereof he presentlie dyed. Synce which his detestable morder he is out with xvj eu or xxtie swordes, playnge the Robyn Hood in takinge meate, dryncke, and spoyle where he can get yt, not without the consente of his wicked father, as yt is here generallie geven out; and to confyrme yt to be true, he contynueth and his companie in his fathers contrie within fower myles of him when he is fardeste of. The which he colde not do, were yt not by his fathers sufferance, considering how he is prosecuted by the Vicepresidentes forces, for yf his father had a good will to banuyshe him, yt were impossyble for him to nessell in that coutrie as he doeth. It is thought that this detestable morder was comytted by the Earles consente, for that the partie mordered wolde not relyeve him with money, to beare out his druncken charges at Dublyn.

Petition of Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 14 May 1590.

To the Right Honourable the Lord Bourghley, Lord Highe Tresorer of England.

In most humble manner besecheth your Honourable good Lord

Florence McCarthy; that where ThErle of Clancarty, hath by Sir Valentine Browne's meanes, and by misinforminge the Lord Deputie of Ireland, procured his letters to the commissioners in Mounster to deliur your supliants wife, Ellyn McCarthy, into his hands, who was accordingly deliurered into the hands of such of his men as he apointed to receve her, by whom she beinge somwhat hardly used, she is about a yere and a half ago escaped fro them, and hath euer since kept herselfe in such sorte as few men knowes what is become of her: And for as much as the sayd Earle doth daily make search for her there, to have her brought into his owne hands, with intent to dispose of her, accordinge to his pleasure, and contrary to her will, and mynd; he therefore most humblie besecheth your good Lordship to direct your letters to the Vice President of Mounster, that the sayd Earle or anie other be not permitted to offer her anie wronge, or other molestacion, and that she may be sufferd to liue at his house, or with his friends, where she shal be always forthcominge at your Lordships pleasure; and that none of her friends that hath kept or reliuved her, may be trobled for the same; and he shall pray, &c.  42

ffLOR: MCCARTHY.

Florence MacCarthy to the lords justices, 15 December 1590. 43

For as much as Her Majesty's pleasure is that the suppliant shall not during the time of his restraint here receive any prejudice in his right, these are to require you to take present order as well that his servants officers and tenants may be continued in the peaceable possession of the said lands and castles, and that they may not be removed or evicted from the same until he shall be able to answer for the defence and title thereunto. As also that such sureties as have been committed to prison, or otherwise damnified by distresses taken upon their goods for default of the presence of such of the suppliant's servants as could not by reason of their attendance here upon the Lady Ellen Mac Carthy his wife repaire unto that Realm, according to their bondes, may be released and set at liberty, and their goods restored unto them. And likewise that Daniel Roche, Alonse O'Brien, and Edmund Slabagh, or any of the servants of the said Florence Mac Carthy may be permitted at all times to repaire into that province, or any other parte of that Realm, and to return hither again, behaving themselves as dutiful subjects with such commodities and other necessary things as they shall transporte for the use and relief of their said Master, whereof praying you to have such convenient regard that there may be no further occasion of complainte by them made unto us in this business.

To the LORDS JUSTICES.

An order from the privy council directed to the lieutenant of the Tower, 19 January 1591.

To set Florence Mac Carthy at liberty upon certain notice given him by Mr. Wills and Mr. Wade, Clerks of Her Majesty's Privy Council, that the Earl of Ormond is entered bond for £1000 here to Her Majesty's use, with condition that the said Florence now under his charge shall not depart the realm, nor three miles from the city of London, nor repaire to the court without special license in that behalf first had and obtained from Her Majesty's Privy Council; He likewise having first taken bond of the said Florence himself of £2000 with condition as above said: and touching the charge of his diete &c. during his being there, because of his present inability, the said Lieutenant must staie till the next warrant.

William Lyon, bishop of Cork, Cloyne and Ross to Sir Warham St. Leger, 24 February 1592.

Rightt Woorshippfull. my veree hartie and humble commendacions don to your self with my good Lady. Such newes as the other weeke I had intelligence of I thought good to certifie your woorshipp, namely I was certainly let to understand that Florence McCartie, a man whose disposition is already verie well knowen to your Woorshipp, had a boy called John Teig, or John Donovan, the boy I know verie well, and the three maisters he served before he was Florence his boy; this same boy hath he sent on his message into Spayne: let your Woorship judge for what cause; no good you may be suer! Whether he be yet returned I cannot learne. Other newes have I none save that the Earle of Clancar his wife is with chield! The remembrance of my self I leave to your Woorshippes consideracion.

WM. CORK CLOYNE & Ross. Cork,

Letter of Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 17 June 1592.

Mr. Florence Mac Chartie to my Lord Burghley

Right Honourable my most humble dutie remembered. Having heeretofore divers times entreated your Honourable Lordship to be a meane unto Her Majestie that I might have leve to go into my countrey seeing I have no meanes to maintain myself here, and perceevinge by Your Lordship at my last being with your Honor that you moved Her Majestie therein whom your Lordship found unwilling to grant it, I have thereupon caused my wife not to trouble Her Majestie any further for the same, and willed her to sue for some maintenance whereby myself and she might live until Her Majestie granted my libertie which she hath don still since my being with your Lordship, all which time I could never acquaint your Lordship withal, because I dare not go before your Lordship or anywhere else abroad for fear of being arested for myne owne and my wyfes diet; and for as much as she doth now fynd Her Majestie well inclined thereunto, and that Her Highness doth daily promise to give order to your Lordship for her, I am therefore most humblie to beseech your Honourable Lordship to move Her Majestie now for me, and to be a mean that I may be partly releived with some maintenance whereby myself and my wife and folkes may live whyle Her Majestie shall think good to kepe me here, beseeching Your Lordship not to move her Majestie for my libertie to go into Ireland, because I am not desirous to go thither, knowing Her Majestie to be unwilling, as also that I have no meanes to leave my wife any maintenance, who is great with child, and not able to go any where, thus beseeching your Lordship to be myndful of me, herein I humbly take leave this 16th of June 1592.

Your Lordships most humble to command,
ffLOR. McCARTHYE.

Sir Geoffrey Fenton to Burghley, 15 March 1593.

My dutie used, uppon perclosinge of the joynt lettres now sent to your Lord consistinge uppon manie partes I receaved this aduertisement inclosed from the Bushop of Corke which I am bold to sende to your Lord with the privilige of the Lord Deputie whome I first acquainted with the contents thereof. This outward pompe used towardes the childe, beinge far above the usage of the best and greatest persons in that province, maketh showe of an inward pretente to raise an extraordinarie greatnes to the parents, and to drawe a multytude of followers to be readie to serve a torne, when fytte oportunitye shold offer: which beinge considered with the father's former ambicion not unknowne to your Lord mynistreth cause to dowbt further inconveniences by that famyly, and to prevent them. Fynnyn McCarty the father is as yet about London or the court, who though he be (as I heare) in some towardnes to retorne hither yet (with your Lord favor) yt weare not amyss to have him still detyned there, either directlie by authoritie or by device, at least tyll this sommer be passed over, for yf any attempt be made in Mounster by the forreine enemye, there is none in all the province so likely to become the head of a faction, or to move or countenance a tumult, as he, whereof I make bold to aduertise your Lord onely, and so to leaue yt to your Lord further will and pleasure. In grett haste.

At Dublyn

G. FENTON.

[Enclosed with Fenton's letter of 15 March to Walsingham.] Bishop William Lyon to Sir G. Fenton.

My dewtie remembred to your Worship.

I thought yt my dutie to certifie you of such thinges as are of importance, and concerne the state. Heare is a yonge childe of Fynnynge McChartyes, who after this countrey manner is used amonge the people as a yonge Prince, caryed abowt the contrey with three nurses, and six horssmen, when he removeth to anie place; and happie is he that can have him to foster for a moneth! and so from moneth to moneth, to the best of the contrey to be fostred, with such songes of reioycinge in the praise of his father Fynnynge, and the yong Impe, that yt weare good his father at his cominge over shold be looked unto, which wilbe very shortlie, as his cousin Donnell McChartye, well came latelie owt of England told me; and delyvered unto me manie other matters, which I cannot now sett downe because of the hast of the messenger; but at lardge you shall haue yt by the next that cometh. So humblie take my leaue.

Your Worships at Commaundment

WILLIAM CORKE & CLONE.

Endorsed letter of Lord Buttevant to Popham, 22 March 1593.

To the Right Honourable and his good lord Sir John Popham, knight Lord Chife Justice of Englande geve this.

Right Honourable Having hen bold to troble your Honor with sundry my former tedious lettres, and having receivid that contynuall favour att your hands as I cannot well tell howe to requite the same, yet never the lesse I shall and wilbe to the uttermoste of my power att your comandment, and therefore presuminge the more uppon the contynuance of your Honourable favour, I thought good to advertise you of certain rebellious attempts offred here lately by Daniell, the base son of the Earle of Clancarty who, within this moneth, by meanes of certein directons and advertisements of Florence Mac Cartyes sent hither very secreatlye unto him, as I understand, The said Daniell hath hanged a man belonginge to Mr. Nicholas Browne, and to his father [father-in-law. Browne had recently married Sir Owen's daughter; that is the daughter of O'Sullevan Beare, not of O'Sullevan Mór, Florence's brother-in-law] Sir Owen O'Sullevan, and hath also murthered one Patricke Garland, both good servitors, and besids geven two onsetts to kill Sir Owen is eldest son; and diuers other bad attemptes hath ben by him geven. His company is not great, not above fortie, and therefore the more dangerous, What mischiefes may ensue by him, to avoide tediousnes, I refer to your Lordship; but to be briefe with your Honor, I do assure you, yf the said Florence do once escape from thence, and have any scope, considering what practizes the said Florence formerly used with Daniell Graney, for his rebellions in Kinelmeaky, and delivering him his own weapon to attempt those bad enterprisses that he toke in hand, it cannot be, but that he will nowe run to fair more dangerous dealings, whereby may ensue chardges to Her Majestie, and great losse and ruine to this poore comonwealth; to which as I knowe your honor to beare a zealous favour, so with this smale caveat, taking my leave, I humbly betake the care thereof to your Honour, and your Honour to Goddes tuicion

Barries Courte,

DAVID BUTTEVANTE

Enrollment at request of Florence MacCarthy, 9 November 1593.

Florence McCarty Rot. Mem. 34-45 Eliz. Inrolment at Request of fflorence McCartie Gent. 44

ELIZABETH.

Right trustie and welbeloved wee grete youe well Whereas the Viscount Barry havinge in the last rebellion associate himselfe to the late traitor the Earle of Desmonde was afterwardes receved to his submission in the time of the Goverement of the Lord Graie our late Deputie in that Realme uppon condicion of a fine acknowledged by him for his said offences to our said Deputie and Councell of the some of five hundred pounds to our use, the paiement wherof hathe since been respited. Wee let youe understand that knowinge noe cause whie wee should anie longer forbeare the same, and havinge withall a disposicion to relieve fflorence McCartie a subeicte of that our Realme who hathe desearved to have some gracious consideration to be had of him, Wee are pleased to bestowe on him the benefitt of the said fyne of the Viscounte Barries, wherefore wee will and comaunde you that uppon the Receipte herof youe cause the Record of the fine to be sought out and theruppon to procead by estreate or other proces of our Exchequior to extend and recover the same. And beinge recovered to give Warraunte to the officers of our Exchequior theare to make paiement therof to the said fflorence McCartie or his assigns as of our ffree gifte and liberalitie without accompte impreste or other chardge to be sett uppon him for the same, And thease our lettres shalbe to youe and to them sufficient Warraunte for the doinge herof.

Given under our Signett at our Castle of Windesore the viijth of August 1593 in the xxxvth yeare of our reigne.

To our right trustie and welbeloved Sir William fitz Williams Knight our Deputy of our Realme of Ireland, or to anie other Deputie Justice or other Governor of our said Realme that herafter for the time shalbe.

Fitzwilliam to Burghley, 10 November 1593.

It maie please your Lord I receavid yesterdaie two lettres from your Lord by Florence Cartie, the one of the 26th of August in his favor generallie, and the other of the 14th of Septembre particularly to expedite unto him her Majesties graunte of the Lord Barries Fine of £500; besides her Majesty's allowance of him, and remittall of his concealed offence; whereunto I am ever in dutie to apply my likinge. It is, and while I live shalbe a motive sufficient to me to knowe that your Lord doth favor him, and so will I make it appeare to him and all others, as your Lord hath by your contynuall favors bound me: accordinglie I did forthwith uppon the readinge of your lettres touchinge that fine, give direcon to Mr. Chief Baron, a gentleman so earnest, &c. &c. &c.

WM. FITZ WILLIAMS

John Annyas to the privy council, 1594. 45

To the Lordes of Her Majesties Most Honnorable Pryvie Consell [State Papers, Domestic: Elizabeth, 1594].

My verry good Lords, may yt please the same. John Annyas Irysman, and a prysoner towe yeres at the Tower, in great my serie, noe clodes at all excepte towe shurtes Master Lyftenant gave me, neverthelesse, I have a gyfte, even pacience yn afflyxion: the cause of my faultes (a conspiracy with Jacques to murder the Queen,) was a cartaing opinyon yn Relygion; and be perusiuge the Beble noweayere, I ame fully satysfied, and reformed. To mack amendes for me faultes paste, beholde my Lordes, I am content to venter my lyffe to doe her Majestie great sarvice, and worthie to be comended. Which is to dyscover playnly all those in England which shoulde tack parte with the Spanysse Kinge againste her Majestie.

Yf it shall please your honnours to have bannysse me publicklye out of thes realme with dysgrace, so that yt may be knowen ther manyfestly, then I writ a letter to the Conde de Fontis that yn all hast his Excellencie should send me a warant that I might saflly, withouth any let, stay or molestation to me parson, for anny cause whatsomever, but to come and goe saff, to confer secreatlye with hes Excellencie, for great sarvyce for the Kynge: then I would showe howe I hawe sarved the Kynge along tyme, and howe I hawe bene prysoner towe yeres, and howe I hawe brocken outh, and nowe banyssed for the Catholick cause, and howe I hawe proveded, of my one frendes and contremen yt I dare trust as myself, six marriners, talle fellowes, sarwyng yn the Queene's shyppes, and howe I hawe good experience yn mackyng of firewoorckes; myself yn marryner is apparell, with these sixe with a smal pennas would fire and burne towentie of the Queene's best shyppes be night, escape oureselves easlye, &c. &c.; and for the great zeale toher Magesties sarvice, and fervent desyr to mack mendes for my faultes past, to get credit, I wyll assure thes my offer; and for securitie, an please your honnours, I hawe to brederen, of one father and mother, the one maryed—yf they be alyve I knowe not! thes eight yeres I never harde from them—the unmaryed I wyll put hem hostadge: that yn ma ther shallbe noe fault. Beholde my Lordes, not for lowe to hawe lybertie I mack thes offer, but for to mack amendes for my faultes! I hawe dyscovered to Mr. Lyftenant howe I myght escape, and goe unknowen to my keper, verye easlye; and please your honnors thes sarvice must be done yn the longe nightes, for manny resons and ynconvenyences should happen. Yf thes sarvice please yor honnors not, my humble request is to hawe clodes to put of the wenter; and yf yor honnors wyll showe ma favoure, that I may goe to church, I shall mack meanes to relyve my vantes myself. The wyll of God be done! for to her magestie and to yor honnors it is geven to comand, and to me to be pacient and obedient, and I shall pray &cc. 46

JOHN ANNYAS.

Fitzwilliam to Burghley, 20 January 1594.

Havinge receaved by Mr. Florence McCartie your honourable lettres on his behalf for the recovery of the some of £500,—due by the Lord Barry for the Fyne of his pardon in the goverment of the Lord Grey, well yt hath pleased Her Moste Excellent Majesty to bestowe on the said Florence, So yt is that havinge called the said Lord Barry to aunswere whie the same shold not be paied I have so farre proceeded as there is band of recognisance taken for payment of the said Some at four seHall payments; the first whereof beinge for £125 is payable the 2d. of February, next, and so quarterlie till the whole be paied within 9 monethes, which in answere of your Lordships favourable lettres on his behalf I have humblie thought good to make knowne to your Lordship. And so with harty prayer for your prosperous success in all your affayres do take leave from Dublin the 20th of January 1593.

Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 16 March 1594.

Right honorable, and my most approved good Lord My humble and bonden dutie remembered; having delivered the Lord deputie your lordships: letters, concerning myself, and the fine of £v. hundred due of the Lord Barry, which your Lordship obtained of her Majestie for me, wherupon I found his Lordship very willing to fauor me, And fynding in the rowles of the Chauncery, the fiant of the said Lord Barry is pardon, wherein he acknowledged the sayd fyne, and also his recognizance, in the councell book for the paiment thereof I received theruppon (by order of the Lord Deputie and councell) sufficient assurance for the paiment of the sayd fyne; yett notwithstandinge the Lord Barry hath not onely broken his promess with the Lord Deputie and councell, but also forfetted what assurance he made, and is gon ouer into England, contrary to the Lord Deputie and councells pleasure and to the Vice-president of Mounsters commandement, wherefore I humblie beseech your Lordship (as I have allwayes found you my most honorable good Lord and chefest frend) that it may please your Lordship now to be a mean, that the sayd Lord Barry may not obtaine any thing that may hinder or prejudice me in my sayd suit, nor in the benefitt of the recognizance which he hath forfetted, and which is myne by an order out of the Exchequer, the rather that he hath by his going over in that sorte disobeyed her Majesties lawes and pleasure and contemned the state here, wherein yf he be borne withall, it shall be a great example and occasion of disobedience to all this realme, as the Lord Deputie and councell hath at large enformed now by their letters, he beinge also one that was with the Earle of Desmond in all the last rebellion, whereby he deserves the less fauor: besechinge your honourable Lordship therefore that you will as well consider myne imprisoment and troble these vj. yeres past by the said Barry is malicious meanes and misinformacions. Her Majestie havinge bestowed this suite uppon me to help to satisfie my creditors for my charges dureinge my sayd troble; as also what great charges I have bene at for this matter, hauinge folowed Her Majestie for it since I was discharged at Cicester in the last progress, untill your Lordship got it signed at Her Highnes last being at Windsore, and since my cominge into Ireland (I protest unto your Lordship ) it coste me aboue £200 in lawe and othewise, and was neur able to see my wife and contrey since my coming, being not able to absent myself from Dublinge by reason of this matter.

After all which charges, trobles, and loss of time I assure your Lordship (on my faythe) yf the sayd Lord Barry shold obtaine anythinge to hinder or preuice me in this matter, I haue no other meanes to live, or satisfie my creditors (hauing already in my troble morgaged and leased what living I had to Sir Thomas Norreys, Mr. George Goreing and others) but to folow Her Majestie againe untill your Lordship do obtaine som meanes of Her Highnes for me whereby I may recouer my self, for the which I wold have repaired now into Engeland, but fearing that I shold have som important occasion to serve Her Majestie here by reason of the suspicions which is conceived uppon the behauiors of the Earle of Tireowen and O'Donell, who although they have bene lately with the Councell at Dundalk yet notwithstanding som of them are holden very varyable; being also edgged forward by all the people and knaves of those parts, who are growen to be very bold, whereby yf there be anything to be don against them I do purpose to goe thyther with three or four hundred men of myne owne, for I have divers who knowes all that contrey very well, hauinge (dureing my troble) served in all those parts, and are of very great estimacion there: Also the Earle of Clancarty is bastard, having remained in action against Her Majestie since the last yere, doth still kepe in that contrey, and because his company is so few as he may not be cutt off by service, because he doth but lurk among som of his secrett frends, wherby nothing cann hurt him but friendship; by reason whereof Sir Thomas Norreys requested me to go thyther, where I am going now at this present to see what I may do in that case, and whatsoever I may do eyther in the North or in Mounster, it shall not cost Her Majestie anythinge; Her Highness hauing alreadie bene so gracious unto me, as I shall hardlie be able to deserve it whyle I live, neyther do I desire any better reward but that Her Highness and your Lordship shall fynd that ye are not deceived in the good opinion which Her Majestie and your Lordship was pleased to conceave of me, for the which I will assure your Lordship of one thinge which is that no inconvenience shall grow in Mounster but that Her Majestie and your Lordship shall understand it in time; and for that I haue bene (as I am sure your Lordship doth remember earnest with your Lordship for Dermod McOwen McCarthy the yong McDonogh, who hauing obtained letters there came hyther, but the Lord Deputie and Councell hauing referred him to the law, wherby I take him, and Sir Owen O'Sullevan to be greatly discontented and very desperat, therefore I take it very necessary that in the next letter concerninge matters of state that your Lordship and the Councell do write hyther the Lord Deputie, or Sir Thomas Norreys be willed to cause those two aforenamed to fynd sufficient securities, with they may doe very easiely, for the Lord Roche, McCarthy Reogh, the Lord Barry, and all the chefest men for the most parte in Mounster are their frends. Lett those sureties be taken of Sir Owen and his iii. eldest sonnes, for these rumores in the North wold greatlie stirr discontented and desperat men to evill. Thus craving pardon for my tediousnes, the rather that I think it necessary to acquaint your Lordship at large with these circumstances which I leaue to your Lordships honorable consideracion, and do humblie take leaue this xvj. of March 1593.

Yor Lordships most humble and bonden
FFLOR: McCARTHY. I humblie beseche your Lordship not to acquaint anie with these thinges that I wrote to be my doinges.

Fitzwilliam to Burghley, 12 June 1594.

I wrote unto your Lordship in my last that I had receaved Her Majestys lettres for the examination of Florence Mac Carty upon something there informed against him by the Lord Barry, and that there were no articles or instructions sent whereupon to examine him, but onlie reference to Sir Thomas Norreys who is to ioyne with me in thexaminacon. I have since receaved another lettre from Her Majestie muche to the same effect, which geveth me to conceave that somewhat is looked for to fall out. Sir Thomas hathe bene here nowe these four daies, and hathe broughte Florence with him, as I wrote to him he shold, but knoweth no matter whereupon to examine him. In his way hithurward through Waterford he found the Lord Barry there nuely landed, and willed him to hasten aftre, which he promised to do. He mighte easely haue bene heare two daies since though he made a step home for some occasion he said he had so to do. If he come not this daie I purpose tomorrowe to send a pursewant to hasten him awaie and then soone after Her Majestie shall, according to her pleasure signified, be advertised from me and Sir Thomas what we find.

Fitzwilliam and Sir Thomas Norreys to Burghley, 17 June 1594.

It maie please your Lord before the winde did serve to carrie the other dispach that comes herewith from me the Deputie, the Lord Barry made his repaire unto us, and neither I the Deputie, having receaved instrucions thence, as I haue in my other lettres written to your Lord nor I the Vice-president knowing anie thing wherupon Florence McCartie was to be examined, according to the reference mentioned in Her Majesties, wee willed him to deliuer us in writing the matters he had to charge Florence with. The same containing 8 articles, which are twoo more then he saith he preferred there, together with Florence's answers, and thexaminacions of 4 of the witnesses, named by the Lord Barry which are nowe here, whereof 2 his owne men, your Lord shall receave herewith to be imparted to her Majestie according to Her pleasure signified lately to me the Deputie by 2 severall lettres of the 3d & 13th of the last monethe. A numbre of witnesses more are to be examined, whereof 18 in Mounster, besides the 2 already examined here, and 5 aboute the court there, as by the schedule inclosed shall appere to your Lord. But these 4 examinations taken here seme not to us so forciblie to import, as that wee think it mete to put Her Majestie to the charge of fetching so manie so fair of, by purseuants, to be examined here; wee haue therefore determined, for the best and spedeist waie, that I the Vice-president, who am to depart within twoo daies, shall upon my coming home send for them, and examin them, taking the assistance of Mr. Atturney Generall and Provost Marshall of that province or either of them; and so with all expedicion send their examinacions hither to be dispatched over by me the Deputie, if mine abode here be so long. In the meane time wee are to noate to your Lord one suggestion of the Lord Barries (whitch of forgetfullness or otherwise) that toucheth him in honour, concerning the seazure of all his lands, to answere the £500 fine given to Florence, where indede all that was extended for that cause excedeth not the third of his lands. And so we humblie take leave 17 June 1594.

W. FITZWILLIAMS. THO: NORREYS.

[Schedule enclosed in the above letter, 17 June 1594.]

To be examined. All these are of Carbery, of Florence his countrie, his followers, cosens, and kinsmen:— Donell McCarty, alias. McCarty Reogh; Donogh Oge O'Cullen; Reynold Oge O'Hurley th'elder; Teigh-en-orsie McCarty; Kryrone McMoragho McSwynie; Teig Oreigan; Moroghoe McDermod Oreigan, Dermod, John, and Donell, sonnes to the said Morgho. Teig McDonell Icrooly, alias Brannagh; Owen McDermodie McDonell Cartie.

Copy of Articles preferred, against Florence Mac Carthy by Lord Barry, 17 June 1594.

  • 1st. Allen Marten Gent, borne in Galwaye, Student of Her Majesties comon lawes, beinge mainteined and kept by Florence Cartie, bothe in England and Ireland for a time, till he was sent by the said Florence over to Sir William Stanly and Jaques, well Sir William and Jaques hathe preferred the said Marten to the Prince of Parma where he was appointed one of his secretaries.
  • 2d. William Hurley born in comitatus of Lymerick, broughte up in Oxenford, professor of the Civill Lawe, was at the time of the apprehension of the said Florence his retainer in this realme imployed by the said Florence to the said Sir William Stanley and Jaques, furnished with money and horse, undre collour to procure a discharge from England for the said Florence, which Hurley remaines there as yet by his direction.
  • 3. Cormock McDonell McFynin Cartie Gent, coosen and servaunt to the said Florence, being the man that broughte the said Florenceis wife into England, being accompanied with a brother of his called Callaghan, which twoo being preferred by the said Florence to Jaques, where the said Cormock as yet remaines, and his brother Callaghan died there in the enemie's service.
  • 4th. Donogh McCartie base brother to the said Florence who went out of this realme into England, in the companie of Donell Grame O'Mahonie, and being sent for by Florence and was imployed by the said Florence to the said Jaques; where he is as yet, and obtained pencion from the king of Spaine either for his brother, or himself.
  • 5th. Fynin McCormack McFinnin Cartie of Glanencroem within the contry of Carbrie in the Countie of Cork, cozen and retainer to the said Florence, which Finin pretended title to Glanencroem aforesaid, was sent over by the said Florence to Sir William Stanley and Jaques aforesaid, where he serves and remaines as yet.
  • 6. Gullepatrick O'Cullen (fencer by profession) executed of late in England for treason against Her Majestie was the only servant and follower of the said Florence, as well long time before his imprisonment or restraint, as also long time in his restraint; and after sent him over unto Jaques where he continued, till of late he returned where he received according his deserts.
  • 7. Owen McCartie alias Owen Gamsagh, who was likewise in service against Her Majestie with Jaques aforesaid, and came from thence at the time that Cullen above written came into England before XXmas last past, and from thence came over upon Christmas Holidaies to this realme to the said Florence, who knowing him to be as aforesaid hath ever sithence kept him in his service, which Owen was borne in Carberie in the comitatus of Corke.
  • 8. It is to be considered beside the rest, that the said Florence and Jaques were sworne brothers &c. &c.

DAVID BUTTEUANTE.

Authenticated copy of the Answers of Florence MacCarthy to the Articles preferred against him by the Lord Barry, 17 June 1594.

  • 1st. As for Allen Martyne myne acquaintance with him was laide to my charge by Mr. Secretarie Walsyngham and others of the Councill which were appointed to examine me within six or seven weeks after my comming to the Tower, for the which I have sattisfied them then: Having noe acquaintance with him nor never seene him but in the Innes of courte, where I became acquainted with him, and where I left him at my coming into Ireland, of whome I never hearde other newes but that at my first liberty in the tower about four years past, I heard he died in Fraunce or Flaunders, Before God I knowe not which: His father and freinds can tell best, but at the tyme I heard that, Jaques was then in the Fleete, whereby I could not send him to him, nor never did send him to him or to anie other, as God judg me; neither doe I knowe when he went, nor whether, but that I left him in the Innes of courte where I found or knewe him first, when I came into Ireland.
  • 2. William Hurley of the County of Lymerick havinge studied at Oxford a longe while came into Ireland a litle after my first cominge out of England, aboute the tyme that I was committed by Sir Thomas Norreys at Cork; at which time I being desyrous to send som agent into England to procure my liberty, dealt with Michael Skiddy of Cork (whoe was Sir Frauncis Walsynham's man) with whome I did not agree, for want of money, and the said William Hurley being then com to Cork, I dealt with him, unto whome I mortgaged or made over some land for goinge thither; whoe being gon and having followed my cause for three or four moneths, as I understood, he was hardlie used by the Erle of Clancartyes man Donoghe Offaylve, whoe made Sir Valentyne Browne to use him hardlie, and to threaten him, and also as I understoode they among them procured Mr. Secretarie to give him verie hard speeches, whereby he was soe feared and terrified that he departed the realme and went into som forraine country to followe his studies, of whome I never heard since, but that he followed his studie beyond the seas in France or Germany, for whome I have also aunswered Mr. Secretarie and the rest in my last imprisonment, Jaques being then in the fleete, when I was examined for him.
  • 3. As touchinge Cormack McDonell McFynine and Callaghan his brother, indeede I must confesse him to be of my countie and name, and somwhat akyn to me afarre off: perhaps, he hathe, as I understoode served Sir William Mohowne in Cornewall, and beinge com to London, when I had my first libertie in the Towre, he desired to be admitted to see me, whoe being brought by my keeper Michell Siblie, he used afterwardes for a sevenight or a fortnight to com to me at my request to carie my lettres to my friends at Courte that sued for my libertie, and having persuaded myself at that tyme that my wyfe would be the fittest suter to obtaine Her Majesties favour for myne enlargement I entreated him to goe into this countrie for her; having procured him som money and a passporte, and having written to her to com; whereuppon she came into England, and one David Roche, a man of mine being com to the Courte he waited uppon my wife; and I being still in the Towre and not able to keepe anye, the said Cormuck told me he would goe into Cornewall; and whether he be gone thither or into Fraunce I knowe not, but that I heard, as I remember, that he was in Fraunce, by an Irish souldier whoe is now at Moyalloe, whose name I will learne: his father dwelles at Moyalloe, I sawe him with Mr. McDonoghoe, Dermod McOwen, And as for Callaghane his brother I never knewe none such, nor never sawe any; but my wyfe, & he alsoe told me that he brought over from hence with him a boy of the adge of twelve yeres or thereabouts, of that name, whoe was his brother by the father; what is becom of him I knowe not, having never seene him as aforesaid.
  • 4. Donogh McCarty whoe is, and hath bene still in the countrey taken for my Father's base sonne, came into England in the companie of som of my men, as namely one Edmond Slabagh, whoe is with me nowe, and whoe broght me som Hawkes, and who alsoe broght the same boy with him to help him, in whose companie alsoe Donell Gram went over to sue for his lands of Kinallmeky, and the said boy having remained with me in England afterwards until I came into Ireland, he staied in England against my will, at my coming away, being promyst by litle Teige McCarthy my Lord of Ormonds man, to be preferred to som gent there of whom I heard no other newes but that he went with some English souldiers into Fraunce and Flaunders, and being com from one of those countryes, back while I was in Ireland, I heard he was sick a long time in England, and when I was sent over by Mr. Chichester I did not see him, being by Mr. Chichester by direction from the Councill delivered the next daie to the Lyvtenant of [!] of the Towere, but afterwards about a yere or more after my commitment to the Towre, Jaques being then in the fleete for hurting Michell Apsley, he found the said boy and kept him with him, and being enlarged and dispatched out of the Realme by Mr. Secretarie he broght him with him, as I understoode, and where he is, whether he be with him or with some other, or what is becom of him, I knowe not since that tyme.
  • 5. Fynine McCormucke McFinin of Gleancruym beinge gone over by reason of his adversarie Teigenorsy, whoe went over with Sir Walter Raliegh to surrendre the said Gleanecruym, and his father being my father's follower and foster brother, the boy came to me to the Towre and told me he had noe frinds nor meanes to followe his cause, whereuppon for Pittie, and contrie's sake, I gave my worde to one Robert Foster of Towre Streete for his diett, and having putt upp his severall petitions to the Councill, Sir Owen Hopton being removed from the Towre and Sir Michell Blount placed, the said Sir Michell would lett noe prisoner have anie libertie uppon anie warrant directed to his predecessore; whereuppon the aforesaid Foster, seing me restrained, would not credit the poore yong man for his diet, whereby he was constrained through extreame misery to goe with som souldiers into Brittayne, where he was about four or five yeres past killed aboute Gingam, as I heard of everybodie that came from Sir John Merreys, since.
  • 6. As for Patrick Cullen the Fencer, 47 none of all these have ever beene my man, nor never woare my cloth, but this Patrick onelie, with whome I became acquainted in a fencing schoole, seven or eight yeres ago, or perhaps somewhat more. He could play well, which made me desire him to com with me into Ireland, which he promist to doe; but I being at the courte, he, for some fray, or som cause or other which I doe not knowe, went to keepe schoole at Westchester; and I beinge com to London from the courte, I enquired for the said Patrick at the fencing schoole where I understood that he and one Joffrey another mail, an Englishman, whoe is here nowe at Dublin keeping a fencing schoole, went to keepe schoole at Westchester, I being with in a while after determined to goe into Ireland, I desired one Mr. Lucas a merchant of Waterford to lend me som money, which I would cause one of my freinds to place in Ireland uppon sight of my lettre. He told me he would go for som money into Westchester, where his father being an Englishman was born, and that he woulde lend me soe much money as I desired, which was £55. Whereuppon I, understandinge that he was to goe to Chester for it, and remembring the said litle fencinge youth or boy, I desired him to enquire at the fencinge schoole for such a one, and to desire him to com with me into Ireland, accordinge to his promisse; whereupon he came to me with Mr. Lucas, and came with me hither, and was with me while I was restrained at Corke, and here, and went over with me when I was sent by Mr. Chichester, and being the next day comitted to the Towre, he went awaie and served som other, or as I hearde he kepte a fencing schoole in London, and being comitted for a robbery, or for some suspicon of som such matter, he went and fledd awaie somwhere, I know not whither. All this while after my committment for a yere or more I was still a close prisoner in cold harbert, 48 and this much as aforesaid I heard at my first libertie; he being gon before my first libertie, and Jaques being in the Fleet a good while after: Alsoe the said Culone whoe was never a whole yere with me, is now hanged, and executed, and examined, whereby it cannot be unknowne to the Councill if he could saye aniething of me.
  • 7. As for Owen McCarthy or Owen Gamsagh, I knowe him not by that name, but in troth one Owen McTeige MacDonell Oge mett me in the countre where I dwell, nowe of late since my cominge, and told me that he came from Sir John Merehe'sis Regiment out of Brittaine, and being assembled amongst the rest of the countre, when the Sherrif extended som land from me, he went at my request with som of mine owne men, namelie Molrony O'Croly, and Edward Slabagh to keepe the castle of Tymolaigge for me, for his hire; and since I left him in the countrey, and is there, I am sure, to be had if my Lord or his uncle McCarthy Reough or som other of my Lord Barries freinds hath not by som meanes put him out of the way, of purpose to accuse me for him: neither was he ever my man, nor doe I knowe that he was ever with Jaques, or aniewhere ells beyond seas, but under Her Majesties Generall in Brittanie as he telleth me.

8th. As for the last article, I avowe it to be merelie false, neither had I ever, or did I ever, by anie signe, or otherwise shewe that I had anie freindshipp with Jaques but while he served Her Majesie. Having never wisht him noe better looke than to loose his Lyfe since I heard that he went to the enemyes.

The Aunswers of me Florence Mc Carthy to the Articles preferred by the Lord Barry to the Lord Deputy and Sir Thomas Norreys against me the 17 of June 1594.

By me FLORENCE MCCARTHY.
A true Copie.

W. FITZ WILLIAMS, THO. NORREYS.

Undated list of names of the Irish gentlemen of Gray's Inn (circa 1624/5). 49

  • Bradey, who lodgeth in a low chamber at the East end of Mr. William Ellis his building in Gray's Inn, but not in Co'ens.
  • Barnewall George who lodgeth at the East end of Gray's in Chappel, but not in Co'ens.
  • Byse: who when he is in Towne lodgeth at one Jacksonne's a Victualler in Holborne.
  • Hurley who lodgeth in Mr. Fullwood's new buildings.
  • Ball, who lodgeth at one Stanley's a joiner hard by Staple Inne.
  • Seagrave James; and, 7, Seagrave Richard, who lodge at Jacksonne's aforesaid but one not in Co'ens.
  • Morris John; and 9 FitzWilliam, which are not in Towne.

Staple Inn. To the Worshipful the Readers of Gray's Inn.

There hath not been in Commons in Staple Inn, which are as yet of that house, any more Irishmen at any time within these 3 years, but those who are hereunder named:—

  • Charles Ryan Gent: went into Ireland (as far as I can learne) about 5 weeks now last past.
  • Christopher Rerdon Gent: lyeth in this Citie, and eats, as I hear, at Bull's Ordinary, in Fleete Street, most commonly.
  • Edward Tafe of Cookestown, in Ireland, Gent. I cannot learne whether he be in Engand or Ireland.
  • Thomas Roache, Gent, he lyeth in High Holborne, but hath not been in Commons these six weekes.

THOS. FRESE, Principal.

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Robert Cecil, 29 September 1594.

It may please your Honour to understand; where, at my beinge here, by reason of the longe continuance of my restraint and troble for the space of five yeres, havinge both wife and children here at my charges, I was constrayned not onely to morgadge and lease what livinge I had, but also to runn very farr indebted here, whereuppon it hath pleased my very good Lord the Lord Treasurrer and the rest of the councill to grant me a warrant that I might not be arrested or trobled untill I had receaved som benefitt of the suite well Her Majestie bestowed uppon me for the satisfieinge of my creditors, which beinge since hindered by myne adversaryeis last beinge here, wherby I could never since receiv any benefitt by the same, wherefore I humblie besech your Honour to be a mean that the sayd warrant (which I have sent here enclosed to your Honor to peruse) may be now renewed againe, for the well I shall think myselfe most bound to pray for your Honor and even so with the remebrance of my most bonden duetie I humblie take leue this 29th September 1594.

ffLOR McCARTHY.

David Barry to Cecil, written from Ireland, 1 October 1594.

Right Honourable Sir my dutie with moost hartie thancks remembered for your manyfold curtesies and great frendly favors by me ther lately receved, wherof sithence I have enjoied the benefitt. Florence McCartie hath lately repaired thither, wholy bent yf by false suggestions and practices he may worck my hurt: whath proceedings have bene used against him touching the articels I preferd againest him, and the directions made in that behalf to the late deputie, I am not acquainted withal; butt that I doo know there was no stricte course observed be tacking examinations upon presumptions and surcumstance againest him, and yf I have felt any favor extraordinary don to the said Florence, I do in regard of dutifull reverence for so highe authorities omitt to charg any; but I dare affirme and assure your Honnor that yf Florence be dealt with in sort as his dissembling and cunning requires, he shall be found, upon tharticles that I have ministered against him, a practiser and a conspirator with the rebells and enemies, of Spain, and also a prouoeker and sturrer of rebellion here in Ireland by Donell McCartie base son to thErle of Clancare, whose rebellious accions have trubled this quiet state chiefly of the English inhabitances in Kerrye, and have brought many subjects to ther end with loss of ther blood, of the said Florencis Conspiracie with the said Donell; and sturing this rebellion, manifest is extant by examinacions takn by Justice Smythes late chife Justice of this provence of Mounster, well examinacions ether returned to the late Lord Deputie, or elsh remaineth with the said Justice Smythe's widow, himself being dead; and for as moch as the said Florencis bad practises in this traitorous actions do touch ore Soveraigne in the highest degree I humbly and hartly beseche your honnor so to mannage the course of preceeding with him as Her Majesties service being circumspectly provided for, my true informacions may take soch place as my zealous affection hath deservid and expected, and that for my duetifull good meaninge I be not hardly spocken nor thought of; I also besech yor Honnor to prevent such suts as the said Florence may preferr againest me, for my fyne, the which Her Majestie granted unto him, and after by your honorable meanes was revokd by Hir Highnes, for I am not able through many losses susteyned by me, to paye the same at this time; and as Hir Highnes hath forboren the paiment therof hitherto that your Honour so work Hir Highness pleasor, to contynue for tollerating the same till ether my habilitye may afourd the paiment, or Hir Majestie be further inclined to remett the same by my good service here. I could not by so well furnyshed for my abscence in England that I myght visite your Honor with soch tokens as my good will coulde wishe or your honourable favor deserve, onely at this tyme I pray your Honor to accept of these thrie Hawck and a coupell of hobbies, which as a poor rememberance of bounden dutie I do send your Honour by this berer my servant. I could have sent your Honour som more hawck, but that Florence, before I came into Erland toock an eary of my hawck, and commytted many other spoils upon my tenants. So altogether leaving to your honourable favor and frendshipp I humbly take my leave.

Barry Courte

DAVID BUTTEVANTE.

Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 29 November 1594.

My very approved good Lord my humble and most bonden dutie remembered: having all ways since my coming hyther expected onely your Lordships leasure to peruse what hath bene advertised out of Ireland concerninge me, to the end that your Lordship might thereafter take such order for me as you thought mete: and perceiving now that Barry myne adversary hath sent one of his men hyther, and hath, (as he is accustomed) written sundrye lies of me, as well to your Lordship as to others, onely to delay my dispatch, whereby I might be here consumed with longe attendance, as I was already utterly undon with the long continuance of my troble, whereunto I was brought by his lieinge devices and fals informacions. In regard whereof I humblie besech your honorable Lordship to consider how farr he hath abused and misinformed your Lordship and the rest of the Councell at his beinge here, as Sir William Fitzwilliams can tell, and as apeares by such informacions as your Lordship received from Sir Thomas Norreys; for where he hath affirmed here that the best parte of his livinge was extended unto me, it is manifest (as I am sure Sir Thomas hath advertised your Lordship) that I received scarce 14 or 15 ploughlands, valued at £42 Ireish a yere, well is not the 10th parte of that livinge which he doth uniustly holde! Also he hath accused me of divers haynous matters, which he did constantly affirme here, that he wold prove in Ireland, where he could never prove none; myself having remained there untill I answered all those matters before Sir William Fitzwilliams (unto whose reporte I referr myself) and Sir Thomas Norreys at Dublinge, and afterwards sufficiently satisfied Sir Thomas in Mounster for them all, without which I coulde hardly obtaine (since Sir Thomas informed your Lordship of these matters) not onely his pasporte to com hyther, but also his letters hyther, testifieinge how earnest and carefull I was to do Her Majestie service while I was in Ireland, which he knowes I had performed yf I had not bene hyndered by these matters.

Neyther do I think yf my former life be justly considered, but that I deserve well Her Majesties gyft, and he deserved very ill to live or enjoye anythinge under her Highnes; for his father who was a man of no regarde untill he attained to Barry Roe's Countrey by murderinge the heyres thereof, and also gott Barrymore's countrey by deceit and trechery, being not of Barrymore of Buttevant's countrey nor kindred, nor having nothing to do with him, nor never recoiled anything by law, nor was never established by any prince; and being Sir John of Desmond's onely confederat to breede the last rebellion, he was therefore committed by the Lord Justice and Lord Generall to the Castell of Dublinge where he was kept untill he died, which is no good monument of his loyaltie: his son also, this Barry, having folowed the Earle of Desmond in all the last rebellion, burning and spoyleing Her Majesties subiects, and killinge and murderinge her English souldiers, both in Bantrye and other places, who being afterwards pardoned, he hath a great while after kept secretly with him one Walter Bregin, a preiste, who being still a chefe person with him and with Doctor Sanders in all the last rebellion, was a great while after sent by the sayd Barry into Spaine, about som practices of treason, where he is still resident for him at Lisbune, yf he be alive; besides also that now of late, when I was here a prisonner, the sayd Barry, with other accomplices of his, mett in a certen place, where they were swerne to a rebellious combination, and drank wine out of a chalice, uppon that condicion; and attempted in vayne one Owen M'Murty, agent, by whom Mr. Cormuk Mac Dermod is much ledd, in hope to bring Mr. Cormuk to enter therein: yee and had don worss yf Sir Thomas Norreys had not bene wise and vigilant inough to prevent his treason and vilainey, which when I understood at my being there now, I inquired of Sir Thomas Norreys whether he understood of the matter, and he told me that he heard an inklinge therof at the same time, and told me the manner of it.

And as for myself I doubt not but here are som that have served under Sir Henry Sidney in Mounster, to whose report (and to Her Majesties owne letters to my Father) I referr how faithfull and forward my father was at all times to serve Her Highnes, who having bene with the Lord Deputye aforesaid at the sige of Balimarter at Glann-Moyr, and in all other places where he had occasion to use anyforces for Her Majestie, where he brought him more me then any two in Mounster; and in Sir William Fitzwilliams is time when the Earle of Desmond escaped out of Dublinge, I am sure Sir William (who wrote to him then against the sayd Earle, and received answer to his coutentacion from him) doth very well remember his constancie and faythfullnes to Her Majestie: and not onely Sir William, but also Sir Walter Rawleigh (by the reporte of his brother Sir Humfrey Gilbert), and divers others here, who remembers what pains he hath taken, and charges he hath bene at, in Her Majesties service, both in the time of Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Sir John Perrott, and all such as gouerned there. Myself also, beinge at the beginninge of the Earle of Desmond's rebellion but of the adge of 16 or 17 yeres, hauinge a litle before (uppon the death of my father) taken charge of his folowers, and his owne lands, since which time I have ever assisted in person in almost all the jorneys that were don in Her Majesties service, both under Sir William Pelham, the Lord Gray, the Earl of Ormond, Mr. John Zouch, Sir George Bourchier, and all such as gouerned, or commaunded there; as is well knowen to Sir Walter Rawleigh, Sir Georg Bourchier, Capten Francis Bartly, and a great number of captens, officers, and Gentlemen which I do see here now dayly, who knowes when they wanted forces I brought them still readily 300 of myne owne men; and when the Earl of Desmond lived uppon the spoyl of the Earle of Clancartyes contrey, I with above 300 of myne owne men joined with Sir Edward Bartly and his companie, and kilde his receiver Morice Roe, and others, and chased him out of that countrey, into his owne waste countrey, where all his men were constrained to forsake him; and being kept and maintained a good while by Gory McSwiney, a companie of my men which I sent to serve uppon the rebells kilde the sayd Gory, wherby the Earle was kilde within a weke or ten dayes after, being not able to kepe himself without him any time. Of all which matters both Her Majestie and your Lordship was sufficiently informed at my first coininge hyther, for which Her Hignes hath rewarded me; the remembrance whereof, as well as of my fathers service and myne, as also of Her Majesties bountifull rewards and favour towards me (myne ancesters, contrey, and kinred, hauinge also remained euer good subiects, wherby none of my Contry or name was neuer stained) did at all times, and doth still, woork more in me, and is (as any man in reason may judge) esteemed more by me, then any frendship or familiarities that euer I had with so light a felow as Jaques was, whom I lieu knew to be three dayes of one mynd, and with whom I neuer had very much to do at all, being but a device of myne adversary, for want of any matter to be found against me, as appeared when the matter was heard both in Dublinge and Mounster.

Wherefore I most humbly besech your Honorable Lordship (whom I have always found my very good Lord and best frend) to consider as well my father's service and myne, and his father's wiked murders and rebellious intencions, for the which he died, together with his owne trayterous inclinacion and oppon rebellion, as also myne imprisonment and troble these five yers past, wherunto I was brought by his lieing deuices and fals informatcions, during which time I was constrained to lease, and sell, what living I had, having both wife and children here at my charges; besids also that this suite cost me in Ireland about £300, both in provinge the same due, in getting his assurance for the paiment therof, and in extending a small parcell of his land when he forfetted his assurance, and came hyther; in regard whereof, I most humblie besech your honourable Lordship (for that I am not able to live or maintain myself, here any longer) to be a mean that I may haue som spedier order wherby I may receiv the benefitt of Her Majesties gift, with consideracion for my charges aforesayd, which (I protest) I wold not desire yf it might in any sort preiudice Her Majestie or the State, as your Lordship may at large perceve, and be therm throughly satisfied by Sir William Fitzwilliams, who, with Sir Thomas Norreys, had the hearing and determineinge of the matter, and who knowes what the oppinion of Sir Thomas and the councell is, as well of this matter as of me, and the said Barry; being rather an example to encoradge both himself and the rest of Mounster and Ireland to rebellious attempts, without regarde or fear of any punishment for the same, then otherwise, yf this fine were remitted; and being also a favour which he neuer deserved, nor was neuer thought mete to be remitted in Ireland nor here; for himself beinge here about 7 yeres past to sue for a remittall thereof, he was denied; whereby Her Highnes may not remitt, nor respitt the same now, having alrady bestowed it. Thus refferring both myself and the whole state of my cause to your Lordship's honourable consideracion, praing God to preserve and kepe you in health I humblie take leue this 29th of November 1594.

Your Lordships always most humble and bonden
fflor MC CARTHY.

Nicholas Browne to Burghley, 4 December 1594.

It may pleas your good Lordship to understand the uniust practizes, and unchristianlike yt hath bein used against me by the Clancarties, since first my father had his signorye allotted him in those lands of O'Douogho Moor, and Coshmainy; the which lands uppon the Earl of Clancartyes surmises (after my father had drawne many menne over to his great charge) we were disposest by derection of Hir Majestie, notwithstanding his title was as good thereunto, as to any other of the escheted lands throughout all Mounster, which since, I have found to my cost and hinderaunce: for wheras the Earle produced wittnes here to prouve the freholers of those lands to be his tenants at will, which bare proff being accepted of him, we thereupon, by way of morgage, agreed with him for those lands, and Hir Majestie graunted us Hir gratious pattent for the reversion of them after his deceas; which morgage, when I thought quietly to enioy, I found many parcells of those lands possest by divers gentlemen, by vertue of estates made unto them by the freholders, and by law cannot be recovered from them; the triall whereof hath cost me very much; yea, and the Earl himself doeth detain som part of them by device of former conveyaunce from the freholders to other men, yet he continuing in the possession of the same; whereby your Honuor may perceive how hard an estate I rest in. Hir Majestie's title, which was iust, she hath not defended; and the Earl's title, which was none but fals suggestions, being brought to the true triall, falls out to be of no validity, to my undoing.

Besides these crosses his bastard sonn continuing still in rebellion, hath cruelly murdered my men, spitefully killed my horses and cattel, tooke praye of my Towne, and laid divers malitious plottes for mine own life, which other men thinks to be donn by the procurement of his father, to drive me, by the terror of such dealings, to forsake my lands; I iudg more charitably; yet may not trust him, for the like outrages have not benn used to any of the English inhabitaunts and undertakers that are his neighbors; but those courses, and God will! shall not serve his tourne (though my life be miserable in the mean time), for I have followed him through woods, boggs, rocks, mountains, and glains, with companyes of men, to my great charge and pains (as all the Inglish and Irish in the province can testify); I have drawen his followers from him; divers have I killed; and brought some to the triall of the lawe; and lastly, though my fortune hath not extended to the getting of his head (whereof I do not despaire); yet I have reduced him (being principally assisted by the good countenance of worthy Sir Thomas Norreys) from three score, to himself and two others, comfortles and frendles.

All these devices and wrongs, my good Lord, since I have borne their chefest heat, I am the better armed, and animated to oppose myself against any second attempt, if the like shold happen; but now I am enformed, and certainly knowe, of another course, which terrifies me very much, as tending to my overthrow, and may prouve no less daungerous to the rest of the undertakers, which is one Finin McCarty, who calls himself Florence, who by reason of the late trobles, and disgrace he procured to the Lord Barry, hath drawne such an opinion amongst the Irish of him, that the Barron Coursy hath, at his last being there, givin him possession of his chefe House of Down McPatrick, an auncient Fort against the Irishry; and as many as are his frends in the countrys of Desmond, Carbry, Muskry, Dowalla, have, as yt were, erected a common purse to further him to those great matters which he promises them, and assures himself. The Lord Coursy's land he enioys as much as was in the old Baron to give him. To be Lord of Carbry he doubts not of, as belonging to him by custom of Tanistry. But his great matter is to be McCarty More, which by one of two means he will seak to procure; the one is by his wife's right, which can be no more in hir then was in hir uncle's daughter and heir; this Earl's eldest brother, who never had any part of the contry allowed hir; nor indede had any woman before hir amongst the Irishry; the other (if he dares not seu for so great a matter as the Earldom), yet sute must be made eyther by his Father in law, his wife, or himself, for thre of McCarty Mores houses, the which if any of the Clancartyes be ill possession of, they will ever be in hope to recover the whole jurisdiction that McCarty More hath had in times past; and if it were but in right of those mannors, to whom the cheif rents and sarvices (which are McCarty's greatest living) were alwayse due.

The said Florence hath also brought over, upon his charges, one of the O'Mahownes, a pore man, and of no rekoning in the country, to serve for Kinalmeaky (the signory allotted to Mr. Beecher and others,) and upon recouery thereof is to have the one half, as is generally reported, and thereupon divers of Clan Donell Ro, Rosbrin, Clan Dermond, with many others from all parts, will deal with him in like case; to the great disturbance of such undertakers, and the Quenes fermours, as are planted upon those places. I protest to your Honor that the great reports that the Irish makes of him in Desmond hath kept Inglish away from planting themselves under me, and those that ar alredy with me are in fear that all there former endevors haue bein in vain, and the rather for that the said Florence and his wife having benn at variaunce, and seperated almost all the last year; the cause of there falling out, as she hath reported, was whither his followers, or hirs, shold inhabit my lands, which makes me somewhat jealous of the man; for I knowe him to be ambicious and subtle, a great briber to his power, frended by som great menn of Irland, who have procured him favourable countenance with som of great calling in England, an importunate sutor, and indede the onely daungerous man in Mounster, having benn brought up, and in league with James Fitz Morrice, Docter Saunders, Sir William Stanley, and Jaques; wherefore I most humblie entreat your Honnor (upon whose help I onely relye) to tender my case but this much, that eyther you will prevent his rising, whose present Estate can never preiudice anie of Hir Majesties loyal subiects, nor be able to better yt, without speciall favor to countenaunce him from hence, or else, if there be anie intention to rayse him, and the House of MCarty More (which by God's handywork is now utterlie extinkt) in the hart of whose countrie, most daungerously, I dwell; that you wold in compassion give me an honourable caveat whereby I may in som good time, recall me and mine, with our lest damages, from a place so perilous; and we (who ar a great many) shall be bound daly to pray for long continuance of Your Honors life. Thus most humbly craving pardon for my tedious boldness, I leave Your Honour to the tuition of ThAlmighty.

Your Honor's most humble and daly Orator,
NICHOLAS BROWNE.

Nicholas Browne to Lord Treasurer Burghley, 21 December 1594.

My very good Lord. I was bold, the last day, to troble your Honour with the relation of the trobles I haue endured amongst the Clancartys; and now that those being past, newe fears ariseth of the endevors of Florence McCarty, and by his expected greatnes, wherefor that Your Honour might the better concieve of the quantyty of the countreys which are like to be, as yt were, subiect to him, if he may enioy all that he promises himself, I haue drawne a mapp which I humbly desire your Honour to accept of the rudeness thereof; and thus, with my humble duty remembered, I ceas to troble you.

NICHOLAS BROWNE. Hogesden.

Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 11 January 1595.

My very approved good Lord, my humble and most bonden dutie remembered. I can hardlie judge whether mine imprisonment and troble for five or six yeares, to the losse of my living, which I was constrayned to lease and sell them (whereuntoe I was brought by such false and malicious informations of mine adversarie Barry, as he procured Sir Warham Salinger to prefer hither for him against me), was more hurtfull, chargeable, troblesome, and domageable untoe me, or this Fyne of the said Barry's, which Her Majestie bestowed uppon me; who, onlie to delay the payment of the said Fyne, (which is all his intent and purpose) he hathe, for want of anie matter against me, forged, and alledged that all such Irishmen as went from hence beyond seas in seven or eight years (whose names he learned amongst bis countrymen here) were sent by me to one Jacques, with whom I was onlie acquainted in Her Majestie's service, as I was with every other capten here, being contented to lose my life if ever I have seen him, or received one letter from him in two yeares, or thereabouts, before he went out of England; for all which matters having satisfied the Lord Deputie, and Vice-President of Mounster, untoe whom they were referred, I came hither before Michaelmas last to satisfie your Lordship, and the rest of the council alsoe, in person for them; since which time I have alwaies waited here about your Lordship, and am readie to satisfie your Lordship and the rest, either for these, or anie other matters, that are delivered since by his nephew, Nicholas Browne, Sir Valentine Browne's son, who married his niece, and who is here for him, to prefer such devices as he sent by himselfe, and to him, to be preferred. Browne himselfe alsoe bing one who doeth not a little malice me, by reason of my wife's fathers lands, which he holdeth; Wherefore I most humblie beseeche your Honourable Lordship to be a mean that I may be speedilie brought before the council for these matters, as soon as time serves, whereby I may not perish here for want of maintenance, having spent all that I got amongst my frends to bring this sute to an end in Ireland, and to come hither about it.  50

Your Lordship's most humble and bonden
ffloR MCCARTHY.

Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 15 January 1595.

My humble and most bonden dutie remembered. I have according to your Lordships pleasure sent here inclosed the names of the last Viscounts of Buttiavaunt, with such issue as remaines of them, wherein I have alsoe made mencion of the Barry Roes of Ibawne, otherwise called Barry-Roe's contre, and of James Barry, this supsosed Lord Barryes father, who descended of a bastard of Barry Roe's house, and contry; as also by what meanes the sayd James did attaine, first to Barry Roe's contry, and afterwards to the Lord Viscount Barrymore of Buttiavaunts contry, by whose son this Barry is fals and malicious informacions (well about the time of my marriadge he procured Sir Warham Salinger to preferr against me) I haue suffered aboue fiue yeres imprisonment, to myne utter undoeing and the loss of my liuinge well I was constrayned to lease and sell, to maintaine myself and my wife here in my sayd troble; after the which having by your Lordships honorable meanes and furtherances obtained of her Majestie to satisfie my creditors here, a Fine due unto Her Highnes of the sayd Barry, for the paiment whereof, the Lord Deputie and councell took sufficient assurance of him, well notwithstanding he hath forfetted, and came hyther contrary to the Vice President of Mounsters comaundment and theirs; who sayd (to delay paiment) all the Irishmen who had left Ireland were sent by me to Jacques, who being Sir Willeam Stanleyes Lieutenant in Ireland, I fell acquainted with him there in the last warres, having then (with four or five hundred of myne owne men that followed me) served against the Earle of Desmond, and Barry, who was with him; at which time I not onlie purchased the said Barry's illwill, but made acquaintance not with Jacques onlie, but with all the captens in the same service, which is all that I had to do with Jacques, having (I protest) never seen him in a year and a half or two years before he went from hence.

All which matters, as the said Barry preferred here against me (whereupon he obtained letters for the possession of a small parcel of lands which the sheriff, by due course of law, and by the Lord Deputy and council and Vice President of Munster's several commandments, did extend, and deliver unto me, for the said fine), being by your Lordship and the rest of the council referred to the Lord Deputy Sir William Fitzwilliams, and to Sir Thomas Norreys, before whom I appeared, the said Barry being also come thither from his country, where he staid a good while after his arrival to seek proofs and witnesses, of all which matters (notwithstanding he was there in person to urge and prefer them), I have cleared myself, and satisfied for them all, both Sir Thomas Norreys, and the Lord Deputy who is here now, and to whose report I refer myself; whereupon the said Barry, having then no other way to delay payment (which is all his intent and desire), he promised to produce more witnesses in Munster, where he brought sometimes one mean ignorant knave or other of his own, other whiles he procured some of the country gentlemen to be sent for, who knew nothing of the matter; whereupon Sir Thomas (finding by them nothing worthy to bring me in question for it) wrote hither of all their proceedings; and afterwards, I being desirous to satisfy in person for all those matters, your Lordship and the rest of the council, to whom they were first preferred, I came hither before Michelmas last, with Sir Thomas' favourable letters and passports; since which time I waited here for that purpose, and am ready to satisfy your Lordship and the rest, either for those or any other matters that are delivered since by his nephew Mr. Nicholas Browne. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Honorable Lordship, whom I have always found my most approved good Lord and best freind (seeing I have no means to maintain myself after so many trobles (this fine having causet me above £300), to be a mean that I may be brought before the council for these matters, where I desire no other favour but what your Lordship shall judge my desert to be worthy of it. So beseeching God both to send, and preserve your Lordship health, I humbly take my leave this 15 January 1594.

ffloR MCCARTHY.

Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 21 March 1595.

My humble and most bonden dutie remembered: Your Lordships honourable and continuall fauors alwayes towards me, aswell in obtaininge Her Majesties bountifull reward for my service, and Her Highnes gracious acceptacion thereof, myne enlargement out of the Towre where I was (to the loss of all my livinge which I was constrained to morgdage, and sell) brought into six yers imprisonment and troble, by such fals and malicious accusations as myne adversary Dauid Barry, whom I offended in Her Majesties service when he was a traytor with the Earle of Desmond, procured Sir Warham Salinger to preferr against me; as also your Lordships honorable oppinion lately delivered to the Councell of such malicious informacions as the sayd Barry hath deuised against me, doth move me now in myne extreme miserie and greatest distress, being otherwise hopeless of any relife or comfort, to betake myself onely unto your Lordship as my most honorable patron and best frend; and perceiving lately that myne adversary being out of hope to hurt me with his last deuices (som of those knaves for whom he accused me, being kild under Sir John Norreys in Brittaine, and another retourned from thence hom into his contrey, as his Capten Petter Cripps and Sir John Norreys is soldiers can testifie), which moved my sayd adversarys Barry and Donell Mc Carthy, alias Mac Carthy Reogh, havinge at the Lord Chefe Justice of Englands beinge in Ireland, procured his frendshipp against me, by meanes of his son in law Mr Rogers, and Mr Woorth, agent of his, who in myne absence dispossest me, and one of my men, wrongfully of 29 ploughlands, unto whom the sayd Barry and Mac Carthy, for want of other matters against me sent a Bond wherein Sir Owen Mc Carthy and I are bound not to hinder Donell Mc Carthy (who is now Mac Carthy Reough), by surrender or otherwise, of the seignorie of that countrey after Sir Owen's death. The sayd Donell himself being also bound to me and to Sir Owen's heires in like sorte, he being also the occasion of all that agrement, who when Sir Owen Mc Carthy, about 12 or 13 yeres past was determined to com hyther, the sayd Donell gott him to enter into those covenants fearing lesst that Sir Owen wolde surrender the Contrey which he possest then, and convert the same to the use of him and his heires, of which bond my Lord Chefe Justice (by their instructions and at their request) made now a great matter to Her Majesties against me, who was never the auctor thereof, wherein I know not who I have offended, Her Majesties the law, nor any body els; the sayd custome being not generally abolished by statute, nor forbidden any of my name in particuler; but a power onely geven to him that is in possession to surrender, and my father who succeded his elder brother, and Sir Owen, and this man, having enioyed the sayd contrey, all in Her Majesties raigne by that custome: But yf Her Majestie or your Lordship and the rest of the Councell will at any time think fitt to suppress that custome, and to make a division of the countrey betwine us who are lawfully interested therein, as was don with the Brenhy for the O'Reyllies, the Analy for the O'Farrells, Beare and Bantrie, and divers other countreyes, I shalbe contented to surrender my right, and putt in sufficient sureties to hold myself for ever satisfied with such a porcion as shalbe by your Lordship and the rest allotted unto me, so as myne adversary will do the like; and for that I rest here in a most extreme state having not (I protest) 3 ploughlands nor £3 rent any where. The fyne which Her Majestye bestowed uppon me having also cost me £500, whereby my wife (being great with childe) is constrained to go from place to place among my frends for want of meanes to live, wherefor I humbly besech your Honorable Lordship as I have allwayes found you my most approved good Lord and best frind, to extend your accustomed favour towards me now, in acquainting Her Majestie with the state of this matter, and the former matters wherby Her Highnes may be as well satisfied in them as your Lordship. Thus beseching God to preserve your Lordships health I humblie take leaue this 21 March, 1594.

Your Lordships most humble, bonden and thankfull
ffloR MCCARTHY.

Letter of Florence MacCarthy to Burghley, 1 April 1595.

To the Right Honourable my very Approved good lord the Lord Burghley, Lord High Treasurer of England, &c.

My very approved good Lord My humble and most bonden dutie remembered, I have according to your Lordships pleasure sent hereinclosed the copie of the bond wherin Donell Pypy is bound to me, which as I told your Lordship was don about 12 yeres past [1583], and neuer don, I protest by any compulsion of Sir Owen but onely by the sayd Donell's meanes, who when Sir Owen was about to com hyther at that time the sayd Donell got him to enter into those couenauts, fearing less that Sir Owen wold surrender the contry which he possesst then; and where your Lordship hath enquired who was heir of the said contrey; as for my parte I know not a more lawfull heir then myself, seeing Law doth allow custome as well in Englande as in Ireland, and that custome hath bene ever inviolablie kept there, which yf your Lordship and the rest of the Councell do think fitt to take any indifrent order for the contrey) your Lordship shall fynd me more comformable then Donell Pypy himselfe or Dearmed Mc Carthy, or Donogh Oge Me Carthy, or Donogh Mc Owen McCarthy or Florence Mc Owen, or any other of the Cept: assuring your Lordship that neyther they, nor the Councell of Ireland, nor Governor of Mounster doth not think it to be any parte of your Lordships meaning to disherit the whole Cept, because Donell Pypy is the eldest brother's heir, being a thing that was never don in Ireland hytherto, For in Beare and Bantrye although Donell O'Sulivan was the eldest brothers heir, yet Sir Owen O'Sulivan's heir, being but the second brothers son hath the best parte of the contrie. In the Brenhy also wher custome was lately supplest, although Sir John O'Reylly was, in possession, O'Reylly, and theldest brother, yet his owne second brother, Philip, and also Edmonde O'Reylly and Cahir O'Reylly have almost as good a porcion to every of them as the sayd Sir John Fergus Mc Bryen O'Farell being the eldest brother's heir having not so good a porcion of the Analie as others of the Cept. Wherefore seeing this is but a device of myne adversaries to hurte me being a thing don manie yeres past by the whole Cept, and the sayd Donell Pypy himselfe being aucthor thereof, and that I am ready to abyde the tryall of Law in Ireland for the whole matter, or els to surrender my right into your Lordships hands, and to submitt myself to your Lordships and the rest of the Councell's order, I humblie besech your Honourable Lordshp as I have allwayes found you my most approved good Lord and frend, to satisfie Her Majestie both in this, and in the rest of their deuices, for the well I shall (as I have ever had cause) rest most bound to pray for your Lordship

Your Lordships most humble and bonden,
flloR: McCARTHY.

Report on Florence MacCarthy, supposed by Sir John Popham, 8 July 1595. 51

Touching Florence Mc Carthy, wherby he is deemed the dangerousest man of all the Irish nation.

— — he hathe bene holden to be a most connyng and subtil person, and at my being in Ireland was estemed to be mere Spanyshe. He was combined with Desmond in hys rebellion, and hadd prepared forces to have joyned with that party in accion, but was stayed by the meanes off Donell Mc Carty (now Mc Carthy Rewe of Carbery) and off one Randall Oge as the same Donell and others affirmed to me in Ireland. Imediatly before the Spanysh pretended Invasyon this Florence departed into Ireland with your Majesties gude grace & Favour, but presentlie upon hys comying thyther, he marryed the Daughter and heire to the Earle off Clancarre beinge Mc Carty More, and the Cheiff of all the Mc Cartyes, and then gote from that Earle one of the cheiff places of strengthe in all Desmond, and at that very tyme alsoe gote from Sir Owen Mc Carty the old Hedd off Kynsale, being holden a place of the gretyst strength in all Mounster, and both these places most tending upon Spayne. At that very tyme also ther passed curryers and messengers betwene thys Florence and Jaques that notable Traytor, as both the Lord Barry and Donell Mc Carty then informed me; and as yt might appeare by my Lord Treasurer's speches, Patryck Collene that was sent over by Jaques to have kylled your Majestie had heretofore served Florens McCarty; and yt may welbe supposed that this Patryck Collene was the man that was the curryer betwene Florens McCarty and Jaques. When Donell Mc Carthy (who onely ought to enioy Carbery by Letters Pattents from King Henry VII) was put out thereoff by Sir Owen McCarthy, the same man, durying the non age of the said Donell, the said Sir Owen through hys greatness forced Donell at hys full age to enter into great bands (I saw a copy of that band) to permytt Carbry to goe in Tanestrye acording to the Irish costome, and not according to the Letters Pattents, wherby Florens Mc Carty expecteth certenlie to be Mc Carty Rewe next after the death of this Donell: So by these meanes the said Florens mytbe both Mc Carty more and Mc Carty Rewe, and therby become farre greater in Munster then ever was Desmond, and greater then any man in all Ireland, that hath ben in this age, for O'Sulyvan More and O'Sulyvan Bere they do depend on Mac Carthy More; The O'Driscoes do depend upon Mac Carthy Rewe: The Lords of Muskry and Duallow being both great territories are off the Mac Cartyes, and depend upon that cheiff house, and so do diuers other pettie Lords of smaller terrytories all well do lye, the one upon the other from Cork above sixty myles together westward upon the very uttermost parts next towards Spayne, The more he pretendeth to prevent the greatnes off others in Ireland the more (in respect off the pmisses) yt may be doubted that yt ys but an ambicious plott in tyme to mak his own advancement the more certen and the gretter. Yt ys to be noted that the Mc Cartyes do pretend to come lynyally from that King off Munster that was expelled uppon the conquest of Ireland.

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Robert Cecil, 8 July 1595.

—And now understanding that not onelie the rest of the Gentlemen of Mounster, but also by reason of myne absence, my younger brother is, with som forces prepared by the countrey, to accompanie the Lord President to this service; For that I have had som experience heretofore in Her Majesties seruice, hauinge allwayes ledd three or four hundred folowers out of that countrey to serue Her Highnes, and don better seruice than anie Gentlemen of Mounster, for the which I was, at my comynge hyther, not onely fauorablie used by Her Majestie and the councell; and hauing now diuers folowers there who haue serued long in the North, and doth know that countrey best of any other, hauing commaunded manie, and attained to great reputacion there, by whose meanes, and knowledge of that countrey, and by other wayes which I wold willingly acquaint yor honor withall, I doubt not but that I wold quiklie do hir Majestie good seruice yf I were there; and forasmuch as I am by the loss of living in my troble, and the sute of this fyne, which cost me aboue £500, destitute of meanes to live, I humblie besech your Honorr that I may haue your furtherance, eyther to obtain the benefit of the sayd fyne, according to Her Majestie graunt, which by Her Highnes letters in the behalf of myne aduersarie was onely stayd untill such matters as he deliuered against me had bene heard, or els that I, and my wife may enioie to us, and our heirees males, two parcells of my father in law is lands, which he morgadged, the one to his said daughter my wife, for her marriadge goodes, and thother parcell to others there, of whom she will redeme it, or otherwise, to obtaine that Her Majestie will allow Sir Thomas Norreys two hundred Pounds of the composicion of Mounster, and graunt Mr. Harbert Pelham, and George Goreinge som consideracion here for those two parcells of myne owne liuinge which I was constrayned to morgadge, and lease; the one to Sir Thomas and thother to them, in the time of my troble. Thus humblie besechinge your Honourable fauour, and furtherance, especially in dealeing with my Lord your Father for me, and conferringe with him hereof: and which of these things your Honour shall think metest, I will uppon knowledge of your Honours pleasure, procure Her Majestie to be moued therein; So with the remembraunce of my most bonden dutie, beseching God to preserue your Honour; I humblie take leue this 8th July 1595. Your Honours most humble and bonden to commaund.

ffloR MCCARTHY.

Endorsed letter of Sir Geoffrey Fenton to Lord Burghley, 17 October 1595.

Delivered at Kinsale to a Bark.

In my journey from Kinsale to Baltimore along the sea coste, I find that the old Head of Kinsale is latelie drawn into possession of Florence Mc Cartie, now about the Courte in London; and as I learne from his neighbours, he hathe morgaged most parte of his owne patremonie in the inland countrie to this end: and in truth I find that in all these partes there is not one soe fitt to be made the head of a faccion. There is no other cause for alarme here; for the Geralines are all under foote; and the Lord Barry, and the Mc Carthies, are so addicted to the plough, and husbandry, &c., &c. The Earle of Clancar, who is Mc Carty More, is so poore, and sicklie as there is noe reckoning to be made of him, or his name. 52

GEOFFRY FENTON.

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Robert Cecil, 13 April 1596.

It may please your Honour, hauing about the time that Sir Robart Gardner came hyther, delivered my letters to the Lord Deputie, by whom, and the rest of the Councell (onely Sir Geffrey Fenton excepted) I was honourable used, and told by his Lordship that I shalbe well imployed yf there by an occasion, but I was denied of a protection, because the Judges who are of the Councell, wold grant none. The Lord Generall hath on Freday laste, being the Freeday before Easter, taken his jorney towards Dundalk to parle with the Earle of Tireowen, who as I do heare commonly reported is (yf, as it be suspected, he doth not dissemble) desireous to accept any condicions of peace that her Majestie wilbe pleased to grant him; but O'Donnel, and the rest of those fooles, are growen into such extreme pride and folie, by reason they have neyther witt, knowledge, nor experience to judg or weigh her Majesties power, that they stand uppon greate tearmes, as it is say d; but I pray God the Earle himself have witt or grace to show now his thankfullnes for the great advauncements that he hath received at her Majesties hands. Before the Lord Generall departed I had conference with his Lordship concerning those of the North, and wold have gon with him, but that I haue no credit, nor acquaintance with the Earle of Tireowen, but before his Lordship departed I told him what creditt and acquaintance I had with O'Donnell, and what good hope I had, uppon conference with him, to bring him to som good conformitie, as also that I was very willing to venter my life, or bestow any paines or travayle that lay in me to benefit her Majestie in what sorte soever his Lordship wold direct me; whereuppon his Lordship accepting well of myne offer, willed me to stay here at Doubling for the space of ten dayes, and that he wold parle with the Earle; and yf ODonnel be there his Lordship will send for me; or yf he find the Earle conformable to any reason he will send for me and send me to O'Donnell. In regard thereof I haue omitted to go into Mounster with my Lord Treasurer's letters about my suite, or about any other busines, untill I know whether my service here now, may in any sorte avayle or benefitt her Majestie; but I wrote thyther that som souldiers may be in areadines for me, yf the warres be not now at an end, and so hauing thought fitt to acquaint your Honor herewithal, what myne endeavour may do herein The Lord Generall will aquaint your honor withall,

I humblie take leue this 13th day of April your Honours most humble and bonde.
ffloR MCCARTHY.

Sir Thomas Norreys, Justice James Golde and Captain Francis Barkley to the privy council, 14 January 1597.

Norreys and others to the Privy Council in favour of Donell M'carthy, base son of the earl of Clancarr.

It may pleaze your moste Honourable good Lordship to be advertized that this bearer Donell Mc Cartye, base Sonne to the late Earl of Clancare deceassed, myndinge to repayre into Englande desyred our lettres of testymonye of his carriadge sithence he was by us reclaymed to duetifull offyces, and also in commendacion of his suyte which he meaneth to make to Her Majestie. Truely he hath verye commendablie, eyvylle, and duetyfullie behaved hymselfe sithence his commynge in uppon Her Majesties protectyon. In regarde whereof we haue byn the rather moued for his better mayntenance to contynue his possession in the parcels of landes which he can shewe to have byn conveyed unto him by the said Earle in his liefe tyme (althoughe some ceremonyes wanted which the extremitye of the lawe in transmutation of possessions requyrytke) And nowe that wee understande the said Earle to have ben but tenant in Tayle of the said landes, the revertion in Her Majesty, and therefore uppon his deathe without yssue inherytable to the same, his intereste in the said lande verye weake, we humblye commende his suyte (which he meanythe to make to Her Highnes for the said landes) to your Honour's favourable consideratyon. And likewyes that yt will stande with your Lordships good pleasure to grant lettres for the passinge Her Highnes pardon unto him (yf it shall so seme good to your Honours which suyts beinge to him graunted wee thinck shalbe a verye good occasion to settle great quiett in the contrey of Desmonde. The consideracion whereof wee most humblye leave to your honourable regarde.

THOMAS NORREYS. J.GOLDE. F.BARKLEY.

Norreys & Robinson to Lord Treasurer Burghley, 15 January 1597.

Right Honourable we receiued your Lordships lettre dated the 2d of November 1595, with a note inclosed, conteininge the names of certein parcells of lande in Desmonde, and have accordinge to your honous direction caused a jurie of the best and sufficientest Gentlemen of that contrie to enquyre of the nature, condicion and value of them, and allso of the truthe of a pretendede mortegadge to the late Earle of Clancare's daughter for her advancement in mariadge, and whether they be of the landes intayled to the Crowne, all which maye appear by the presentmentes of the jurie, which herewith we send unto your Honour not signede by the chief Justice by reason of his absence. And whereas your Honours pleasure is that wee signifie our oppinions whether wee thinke fitte those landes to be graunted unto Florence Mc Cartye; and to certifie any other thinge meete for your Honours knowledge touchinge his suite for those landes, wee humblye recomende unto your Honours grave iudgment the longe and troublesome suits and imprisonement which the Gentleman hath sustayned by reasone of his matche with the Earle's daughter, which together with his good careadge, and endevors in Her Majesties service inforceth us to deme hime worthye of fauor and releefe, assurringe ourselves that if he were setteled, and some wayes inhabled, he would applye himself wholye to aduance Her Highnes service and the good of that contrye of Desmonde; which for that it is remote, barrene, and of verie litle value, and allso for that the late Earle hath lefte behinde him three base sonnes suche as are verie likelie to watche all opportunitie to disturbbe anye that shall possesse it; which Florence by reasone of his alyance is best hable to prevente, wee thinke fittere to be bestowede on him then anye other. Soe as he hould from Her Majestie at reasonable reservacion the landes onely, without the tytle of Mac Cartye More, or the signory over the rest of the Clancarties of Muskrye and Dowally, and that some litle porcion be leafte unto Donoghe Mc Cartye, and Donelle Mc Carthy, base uncle, and base sonne of beste reputacion, to the late Earle. The consideracion whereof, togethere with the grife and discontentment that it may breede in all the Clancarties to see the Earl's heire uppon occation of hir father's surrender, and his unthriftie mortgadges, utterlie disinheritted, Wee most humblie submitte to your Honors grave iudgement, and rest ever praying for the longe continuance of your Honors estate.  53

Killmallocke

THOS. NORREYS. — ROBINSON.

Bishop Nicholas Kenan of Ardfert, the Brownes and others to the privy council, 12 February 1597.

Right Honourable & our Singler good Lords, most humblie cravinge pardon we have presumed, understandinge that Florence McCartie prepareth himself to be a suiter under Her Majestie and your Honors for the landes and honor of the late deceasede Earle of Clancartie, to sett downe unto your Honors the state of the Countrie, as allso the condition of the partie, with the nature of the people, the trobles maie ensue unto Her Majestie and State, with the miseries lieke to fale uppon us poore English Gentlemen, and all Englishe inhabitants heere dwellinge. The Countrie, a great continent of greate fastnes and strenghes, and the saied Florence alreadie Taniste of Carberie, a countrie allmoste as great as the Earle's, and all these whose names are heere inclosed being Lordes of Countries, and great commanders, his allies or followers: The Gentleman himselfe a moste notable papiste, and a favorer of all superstitious maner of livinge, broughte upp with his uncle James Fitz Morris, and his conversation hath bene much with men not well affected unto Her Majestie, as with Jacques, and such lieke: Himselfe and all his Howse come out of Spaine. The natures of the people and his followers, are only to followe then Lord not respectinge anie alleagens unto ther prince, as good prooffe hath bine made by a follower of O'Sullevant Moores who deliuered in open sessions 'He knewe no prince but O'Sullevant More' —for which he loste his ears. The danger wee poore Englishemen stande in cannot be but great, for a man of his greatnes if he obtaine his suite, cannot forgeat in his own nature the losse of so manie his neer kinsemen and frinds; if he woulde, his followers and kinsemen who have ever beene bluddie and desierous of revenge, woulde never forgeat; wherefore our humble sute unto your Honors is that it maie be divided amongste Gentlemen of good sorte and condition, and such as alwaies have byne, and are lieke to continew good subiects and moste to the benefite of Her Majestye, and not to be a strenghe in one man's handes, in whome their is great presumption of troble unto Her Majestie and State, and so an utter subvertion and overthrowe unto us Her Majesties most trew and obediente poore subjectes. And thus humblie submittinge ourselves and our cause unto your Honourable consideration we humbly take leave this. Your Lordships to be comaunded.

NICHOLAS ARTFERTE. EDWARD GRAYE. CHARLES HERBERT, THOMAS SPRINGE. NICHOLAS BROWNE. THOMAS BROWNE.

[Enclosed with the above letter.] 'A Not of such as are Lordes of Cuntries being Finnin Mac Cartis kinsmen, and Followers of the Earls of Clancarte within Desmond and the County of Cork adjoining uppon Desmond.'

  • CORMOK MAC DERMONDE, Finnin's Aunt's Sonn.
  • TEG Mac DERMOND, Finnin's Aunt's Sonn.
  • O'SULLEVAN MOOAR, married unto Finnin's Sister.
  • O'SULLEVANT BEAR.
  • O'DONNAOGH-GLAN.
  • Mac GILLO CUDDIE.
  • Mac CREHON.
  • Mac GILLO NEWLAN.
  • McDONNELL.
  • HUGH CORMOK of Dungwill.
  • CLAN DERMOND.
  • CLAN LAWRAS.
  • HUGH DONILL BRIK.
  • Mc FINNIN.
  • Mc FINNIN DUFF.
  • CLAN TEIGE KETTAS.
  • Mc DONNOGH BARRET.
  • MAC CAWLEF.
  • O'KIFFE.
  • O'KELAHAN.
  • O'DALE.

With many others, and alied by himselfe and his wife unto most of the noblemen in Iereland.

Petition of Florence MacCarthy to recover the mortgaged lands of his late father-in-law, circa February 1597. 54

My humble suit unto Her most sacred and Excellent Majestye is, for that parcell morgadged by my father in law to Browne, and a small pece of land which he also made ouer unto my wife for her preferment, together with som litle provision of meale, butter, and flessh, which is due of certen Septs of his folowers within that coutrey, for the maintenance of his House; which land I will holde of Her Majestie, and not only yelde Her Highnes a reasonable reservacion, but also procure Browne sufficient securities, or mortgadge unto him a sufficient quantitie of land for his money, although he got about £2000 thereby already, these 10 yeres past, wherby Browne shalbe satisfied of more then his due, and Her Majestie shall have, in certentie, not onely all the comaunds, creacions, rents, duties and cheferies, due unto that House, of other Lords and contreyes, which was ever the chefest parte of thErls greatnes, and liuinge, but also a reasonable reservacion out of so much demaines as aforsayd, which in that wilde craggy, barren, and unprofitable contrey, is the beste thing that may benefit myself, or enhable me to do Her Majestie servise, considering the present state of that countrey, and all the people thereof, who have joined with the Earle of Desmond, and the rest of his adherents, and haue geven the bastard that was here, a kind of supereoritie over them, maintaining 500 of Tireowens souldiers for him, wherunto they were moved only because Browne (when my father in law mortgaged it unto him) thrust them out of those lands, which they and their ancestors euer held of my father in law, and his ancestors, in which action they will allwayes persist to the last man, and not onely kepe themselfes salfe, but also bak and maintaine all the rebells of Mounster with that strong countrey, yf I be not able to assure them, by Her Majesty's speciall grant, that they shall holde those lands of me, as formerly they held them of my father in law; for they are but folowers, whose living is to hoolde, and inhabit their Lords lands, as their manner is in all Ireland; of which land yf I be able to assure them, I do not doubt (with some litle meanes) to reduce that contrey very shortly into good quietnes, and conformitie; and with that contrey and people (which stands at the bak of all the rebells of Mounster so comodiously to annoy them) to do Her Majestie that service that a thousand men in pay cannot do; and that (in reducing Monster to obedience) will salue Her Highnes above three score thousand pounds: for the performance of which service I will ever rest readie to venter, and spend myne owne life, and the lifes of all such as will followe me.

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Robert Cecil, circa February 1597.

May it please Your Honour to understand your suppliant Florence M'Carthy's humble suit unto Her Majestie is for the demaine lands of his father in law the Earle of Clancarthy, and specially for two parcells thereof, thone morgadged by his sayd Father in law about 12 or 13 yeres past to his daughter, your suppliant's wife, for her mariadge goods, as appeares by the presentments of the office, signed and sent over hither by Sir Thomas Norreys, and the Queenes Attorney of Mounster, which Your Honour hath, and by the sayd Earles deade of mortgadge, ready to be shewed, which parcell of land called Castell logh, the Palice, and Balcarbry, doth containe 14 or 15 quarters of lands; the other parcell, called both the Coishmainges, and Onaght, doth containe 31 quarters of lands, and was also morgadged by his sayd father in law to Sir Valentine Browne, and his son Nicolas Browne jointly, for five hundred and three score pounds: there is also another parcell of the sayd Earles, holden by Nicolas Browne, called Clan Donelle-Roe, which containeth 7 or 8 quarters of land. Your suppliants humble suit unto Her Majestie, that he may obtaine those demain lands, onely to hold of Her Majestie, to him and his heires males, together with such prouision as was due to the sayd Earle of certen Septs of people of his folowers, which in that contrey and lands being but a certen quantitie of otthen meale, barell butter, porck, and beafe, which he had yerely of certen Scepts of his folowers for his provision, And your supplicant will not onely yeld Her Majestie a reasonable reservacion out of the lands, and remitt unto Her Highnes all such rents, chiefries, duties, creacions, and comaunds, as was, and is, still due to that House, of the Lords of Muskry, Dowalla, Clan Mc Donell, and all other lords of that House, but will allso venter his life, and all his people, frends and followers, to recover the same of his enemies, who have now entered therunto with intent to defeate him thereof, and are becom traytors to Her Majestie; and will also, whensoever he doth recover those lands, submitt himself to Her Majesties pleasure for the payment of the sayd Brownes Morgadge, wherin not doubting of Your honors furtherance, wherof he doth holde himself moste assured, he will allways pray for your Honour and rest ever readie to do your honour any service that lies in him.

Sir Geoffrey Fenton, secretary of state for Ireland, to Sir Robert Cecil, 14 February 1597.

The Earle of Clancar a great Lord in Munster being now dead, and Florence Mac Carthy, by marrying with his heir general, having an apparent pretence to the Earledom, I fear some alteration will grow in those partes by Florence, who is more Spanish than English; and I received this day advice from Munster that Florence alreadie begins to stir coales, in which respect I wish your Honour to advise with my Lord Treasurer out of hand, to have him either sent for thither, or some special letter written to the Lord President of Munster to lay hold of him, to make stay of him in his person, or to see him assured upon good pledges; for without the one of these two preventions I look that he will be a dangerous Robin Hood in Munster.

GEOFFRY FENTON.

Norreys to Cecil, 23 February 1597.

Right Honourable

I haue ben earnestlie entreated by Mr. Florence Mc Cartye to recomende him to your good fauor in these feowe, which, for that his good and dutifulle carriadge towardes Her Majestie hath meritted noe lesse, I coulde not but grante him. His suite is at this tyme to be inhabelede to live a setteled course of life on somewhat that his late dicesed father in lawe hath lefte behynde him; the particuleareties I leave to his owne relacion, humbly craveinge that you will be pleased to continewe your fauorable regarde of him which he acknowlegeth alreadye to have tastede of in lardge measure. Thus leavinge him to your Honours regarde, and your Honour to Godes divine protection, I vest moste dutifullie affected to doe you service.

Moyallo,

Thos NORREYS.

Commentary on the conduct of Sir Thomas Norreys, vice-president of Munster, circa 1598/9. 55

Murtagh Oge Mac Shee, and his brothers Rorie and Edmund from the cradle inclined to mischief, as all that Sept hath been, being oft apprehended, and imprisoned, and having broken prisons (Murtagh at Limerick, Rory at Kilkenny), after many favors went into open accion and in thend were cutt off. Murtagh was greeved (as he said) that he was oft protected, but cold never get his pardon; that when the date of his protection was expired he must pay money for the continuance of it to Sir Thomas Norreys from time to time, and that he was no longer able to feed him. This rebel was marked by nature: he had a strong arm, a desperate villanie, and a skilful targeteer. He was taken in a wood killing of porkes, and making provision to entertain the rebels of Leinster Tyrell the Traitor his company. Being brought to Cork and arraigned, evidence was given against him that he had prayed spoiled and murdered about four score English families. Small resistance to the Rebell, and small aid to the subject, did the President give! When any came to complain that he had lost his cows, Why (saieth he) must I keep thy cows? In the end sentence was given upon this traitor that he shold have his arms and his thies broken with a sledge, and hang in chaines, So was he executed without the north gate of Cork, anno 1597. Rory was killed by an Irish kerne, and Edmund was killed by an Englishman at the spoil of Kilkolman. At this time Davie Lacie with his brotheren Pierce, Ulick, and William played the rebels, being once pardoned. Davie was after killed in service, Pierce was hanged at Limerick, Ulick and William were hanged at Kilkenny by the commandment of the Earl of Ormond. Fair riddance of Such rebells.

Fenton to Cecil, 20 April 1598.

O'Neill openly declares to his friends,—

I do assure you all upon my creditt and as I wold haue you hereafter to beleeve me and be directed by me, that thErle of Desmond's sonne is escaped owt of the Tower of London by meanes, of the Lieftenant of the Towers daughter, who is gonn with him, and arryved in Spaine, where they had such acceptance and entertainement as seldome hath ben hard of tobe in that kingdome afforded to a man of his yeres; and further I do assure you that before a monneth do pass, yf wynd and weather do serue, wilbe in Mounster with great forces, both of men, municion, and treasure; the lyke whereof I do expect, with assurance to myself, and therefore comforte yourselves.

Roger Wilbraham to Sir Robert Cecil, 25 May 1598.

According as you require I have considered all the state of Donell Mac Carthy.

First I find by papers only (and as it seemeth signed by the Earle his Fathers hand) all the parcells mentioned in the Survey, were assigned to the Petitioner Donell and his heirs, by the said Earle, and so the verditt and Survey true, saving that a parcell called Cannasamad specified in 5th Article in the Survey, is not so called in the Earle's writing, but is called Killegen, which he sayeth is all one thing besides names, and I think his suggestion true because it agreeeth in quantitie.

The contents of said lands are seven Quarters, some Quarters containing four ploughlands, some three, some five, as the country manner is variable. I think mete, if it please Her Majestie, that he have an Estate to him and his heires males of his body, of the said seven quarters, lying in the remote partes of Kerry and Desmond: And when the Jury in the Survey value each Quarter to be four shillings Irish per Annum I wish the Rent to be encreased to xx shillings Irish per Annum, each quarter of land, with these condicions

  • 1st. That there be a saving of all strangers' rights.
  • 2d. The Estate to be forfeited if he or his heirs commit treason.
  • 3d. That if hereafter upon survey it appears to exceed 7 quarters he shall pay for the surplusage 20 shillings per annum, for each quarter.
  • 4. It will be convenient letters be written to keep him in possession of such as he or his tenants at will hath had quiet possession of for one or two years last past; and of the rest not to disturb the possessionem, till he have recovered by order of law, or before the gouernor or Lord President. And so returning herein all the papers touching that cause which Your Honor sent me, and submitting the cause to your Honor's good consideration I most humbly take leave.

From Gray's Inn

ROGER WILBRAHAM.

Sir Thomas Norreys to Sir Robert Cecil, 30 May 1598.

Right HONourable,

This gentleman Mr. Florence Mac Cartye being (as he sayeth) directed from Her Majestie to learn such Spanish intelligences as from tyme to tyme he could, hath by the examination of some latelie come thence, understood that there are now remayning in great credit and estimacion two of his kinsmen, who are such as being accordingly dealt with may doe Her Majestie verie acceptable service, and now he, intending presentlie to send unto them a frend of his owne, and a verye trustie messenger, with his effectual letters to persuade them thereunto, hath entreated me to advertize your Honor hereof, and withal to recommend his poore and weake estate altogether decayed, to your Honors good regard, whereunto humblie submitting himself, and doubting not but your Honor in your wonted favour towards him, and for the better encouraging him to continue his good affection to Her Majesties service, will be a mean for the repairing thereof in such sort, as your Honor shall think meete. Whom now leaving to your gracious consideration I doe rest, readie at your Honors commandment.

THOS. NORREYS.

Reasons that Florence MacCarthy alleged to prove that the Earl of Clancar's lands ought to descend to Ellen his Wife, and to his heirs, circa June 1598.

Donell Mac Carthy Mor Earle of Clancar sonne to Donell Mac Cormac Leirie was by the old Lord Roche, called David Roche, taken prisoner, and Sir Henry Sidney, then Deputie, mistrusting the rebellious intentions of Gerald the last Earle of Desmond, sent the aforesaid Donell Mac Carthy Mor into England, to the intent that by Her Majesties good usage of him he might be made an instrument against the said Desmond. The Queene of her bountie both bestowed money upon him to defray his charges, and made him Earle of Clancar. And in the patent of his Earldom did grant unto him both the said title and all his lands, to him and to the heirs males lawfully begotten; whose son and heir [Teige] the Baron of Valentia being dead, he went again to England, as well to recover some of his lands that the English undertakers of Munster challenged, as to get his lands to be confirmed by Her Majestie unto his daughter, who at that time by his consent was to be married to Florence Mac Carthy, for the performance whereof bonds of £6000 did passe betwixt the said Earle and Florence. His Lands he obtained, but no grant to his daughter, because no surrender of his was extant or formalie made, yet neverthelesse Her Majestie agreed to pass him a grant of his lands, on the condition that his daughter would marry an Englishman, which the Earle adopted, and accordinglie made his Surrender; which condition and surrender in Law is Void, because his daughter was formerlie married to Florence aforesaid; as alsoe that the said surrender was never duly perfected. Moreover Donell Mac Cormac Leirie, Father to the said Earle, in his lifetime entayled all these lands to his onlie sonne the aforenamed Earle of Clancar and his heirs; and for want of such issue in him, to the heirs of James Earle of Desmond by Ellen his daughter, wife to the said Desmond, and sister to the aforenamed Earle of Clancar, and the remainder to the right heirs of the aforesaid Ellen for ever, which [right heir] is Ellen daughter to the Earle her brother, and wife to Florence aforesaid, considering that the said Earle of Clancar survived Sir James of Desmond her sonne, and Eleanore, wife to Edward Butler, her daughter, who both died witout issue. This Entayle made by Donell Mac Cormac Leirie was perfected, and diverse of the witnesses yet living that were at the perfecting thereof, in the first and second yeare of Phillip and Mary, and now readie to be produced.

Ormond to Cecil, 18 June 1598. 56

This bearer Florence Mc Carthy is now to make repair into England about some suit of his own, which in regard to this dangerous time, he may be hardly spared from hence, I am heartily to pray you to favour him in his lawful suits, and that he may be despatched from thence; whom I leave to your favour able regard, and so I commit you to Gods most blessed guiding.

From Dublin

Your fast assured Friend,
THOS. ORMOND & OSSORY

Endorsed letter of Sir Thomas Norreys to the privy council, by the hands of Spencer, 1598.

In Desmond Donall Mc Carthy, base sonne to the Earle of Clancar, opposeth himself against Darby Mc Owen Mc Carthy 57 for the Earldom: but they agree both to be Traytors to Her Majestie. O'Sullivan Mor doeth as yet refuse to give the Rod (according to ancient custom) to either of them.

Warrant to the government in Ireland to allott a sufficient Dower to Honora Countess of Clancarty, 13 August 1598.

Trusty, &c. We greet you well. Whereas we have by our late letters required you to authorize by our commission our President of Munster and others to enquire out and survey all the lands, rents, services and duties which ought to come to us by the death of the late Earl of Clancarie without heirs males of his body, and that the surveyors of those lands should without further warrant allott to Onora Countess of Clancary a reasonable portion for her dower. Now that the said survey may not (as is doubted) be speedily effected, we think mete, if none of our Council of Dublin can be spared for that service, that then other mete persons may proceed herein without delay: and further to express our princely favour for the relief of the said Countess, we do hereby require you that if the said survey of the late Earl's lands may not be effected within two months after the Countesses repair into our realm of Ireland, that then you give direction to our said President of Munster to possess the said Countess of a full third part of all the late Earl's castles, lands, rents, services, customs, and duties belonging to us, and whereof by our laws she is dowable, to hold the same as her dower during her life; and if any other profits and hereditaments of the said Earl may hereafter be found out and discovered for us by survey or other lawful means, whereof she is dowable, you shall by this our authority establish her in the quiet possession of the third part in full satisfaction of her dower, in which designment, as we mean of our especial grace that the said Countess shall have a full third part in certainty for her dower of all the said Earl's late inheritance as may be most convenient for her estate and maintenance, so likewise we expect the other two parts thereof to be reserved so entire to us as may be convenient for our service, and for the best satisfaction of such as shall be humbly suitors to us for those lands. Lastly if it appears to the commissioners of the said survey that the said Countess hath not received a third part of the mean profits of the premises sithens the death of her husband, then we require you after it shall be found out by jury or otherwise what the mean profits are, and who have received the same, then the Commissioners assign to the said Countess so much as belongs to her for her dower, reserving the residue to us, and for such uses as are expressed in our former letter therein, &c.

William Weever to Sir Robert Cecil, October 1598.

The same daie, the 8th October, in the eveninge there came to Ballingarrie, out of Rannallaghe, Cahir McHughe, brother to the late Feagh Mc Hughe, Thomas Butler, and others, with some 160 men, and encamped there, wheare the rebells expected the cominge of James Fitz Thomas Desmond, to whome they had formerlie sent, that yf he woulde not come and take the title of Earle of Desmond, and houlde of O'Neale (for so they tearme the Earle of Teirone) that then they woulde create his youngest brother Earle: whereuppon, the 10th of October he came to them accompanied with some 20 horsemen, the rebells beinge then unitinge their forces betwixt Rathkeale, and Ballingarrie, and accepted to houlde the Earledome of Desmond, because O'Neale woulde have eurie man established in his owne lande as it was before the Englishe Government.

W. WEEVER.

Thomas Butler, earl of Ormond, to James FitzThomas, 8 October 1598.

James Fitz Thomas. Hit seemed to as most strange when wee hard you were combined, and ioyned with theis Leinster Traytors, lately repayred into Munster, considering how your father Sir Thomas alwaies contynued a dutifull subject, and did manie good offices to further Her Majesty's service, from which course if you should degresse, and now ioyn with those unnaturall Traytors, we maie think you very unwise, and that you bring uppon yoursealf your own confusion which is thende of all Traytors; as by daylye experience you have seene: wherefore wee will that you doe presently make your repaire unto us, wheresoever you shall hear of our beinge, to lay down your griefes, and complaints, if you have anie; and if you stand in anie doubt of yoursealf, theis our lettres shall be for you, and such as shall accompanie you in your cominge, and retorneng from us, your safetyes; and further, in your drauinge neere the place where wee shalle be, wee will send safe conduct for you.

THOMAS ORMOND AND OSSERY. Geven at the Campe of Cowlin,

Ps

Wee need not put you in mind of the late overthrowe of the Earle your uncle, who was plaged, with his partakers by fier, sworde, and famine; and be assured, if you proceede in anie traiterous actions, you will have the like ende. What Her Majesties forces have done against the King of Spaine, and is liable to doe against anie other enemie, the world hath seene, to Her Highnes immortall fame: by which you maie iudge what she is hable to doe against you, or anie other that shall become traytors.

To James Fitz Geralde.

Geve theis in Hast.


James FitzThomas to Thomas Butler, earl of Ormond, 12 October 1598.

Right Honourable I receaued your Lordships lettres wherin your Lrd dothe specifie that you think it verie straunge that I shoalde ioyn in action with theis gentlemen of Leinster. It is soe that I have euer at all times behaved myself dutifullie, and as a true subiect to Her Majestie as ever laie in me, and as it is well known to your Lord I have showed my willingness in seruice against my uncle, and his adherents, wherebie I haue bin partelie a meane of his distinction. Before my uncle's deseace it maie be remeubered by your Lord that I haue bin in England from my Father, cleamienge title to his inheritance of the House of Desmonde, which is manifestlie known to be his righte; whereupon Her Majestye hath promissed of her gratious favour to doe me iustice, uppon the deseace of my uncle, who then was in action, and haue allowed me a marke sterling per diem towards my maintenance, untill Her Majesties further pleasure were knowne, of which I neuer receaued but one yeare's paie, and euer since my uncle's deseace I could gett no hearinge concerning my inheritance of the Earldome of Desmond; but haue bestowed the same uppon diuers undertakers, to disinherite me for euer; haueing all this while staied myself, in hope to be gratiouslie delt withall by Her Majestie: seeinge no other remedie and that I could gett noe indifferencie, I will followe by all the meanes I can to mantaine my right, trustinge in thAlmightie to further the same.

My verie good Lord, I haue seene so manie bad exsamples, in seeking of diuerse manie Gents, bluddely false and sinister accusations, cutt off and executed to deathe, that the noblemen and chief gentlemen of this province cannot thinck themselves assured of their lyves if they were contented to loose their lands and liuings; as for example Redmond Fitz Geralde uppon the false informacion of a scurfey boy for safeguard of his leif, was putt to death, being a Gentleman of good callinge, being 3 score years of age, and innocent of the crime chardged withall. Donogh McCraghe alsoe was executed uppon the false informacion of a villainous Kerne, who within a sevennight was putt to death, within your Lordships Libertie at Clonmell, who tooke uppon his salvacion all that he said against the said Donogh was untrue, that he was subborned by others. Of late a poore cosen of ours, James Fitz Morrys of Mochollopa is soe abbominablie dealt withall, uppon the false informacion of an Englisheman, accusinge him of murder, who neuer drewe sworde in anger all the daies of his leife, and is manifestlie knowne that he neuer gave cause to be suspected of the like: Pierce Lacie, who was an earnest servitor, and had the killinge of Rory Mc Morrogho, and the apprehension of Morrogho Oge, till he left him in the Geoale of Limerick, and after all his services, was driven, for the sauegarde of his leif, to be a fugitive. To be briefe with your Lord: Englishemen were not contented to haue our landes and liuings, but immercifullie to seeke our leives by false, and sinister meanes, under cullor of Lawe; and as for my parte, I will prevent it the best I maie.

Committinge your Lord to God, I am your Lord's Loveinge Cosen,
JA: DESMONDE. From the Camp at Carrigrone,

Earl of Ormond to Elizabeth I, 12 October 1598.

At my coming to this province (Munster) I found that all the undertakers, three or four excepted, under your Highness correction, had most shamefullye, forsaken all their Castells, and dwelling plases, before anie rebell cam in sight of them, and left their Castells with their municions, stuff, and cattell to the traytors, and no maner of resistance made, &c.

Justice William Saxey to the privy council, 26 October 1598.

In lamentable wise advertiseth your Your Lords humble orator William Saxey Chief Justice of Mounster in Yrland, of the most barbarous, and fearfull rebellion now raginge in the said province: About the vth of this present moneth of October there came into the said province, by Arlough, and so into the comitatus of Lymerick, about 3000 rebells, sent from the arch Traitor Tirone, under the leading of John Fitzthomas second sonne to Sir Thomas of Desmond Knight deceassed, elder brother to the last attainted Earle of Dessmond, and of one Tirrell, as is reported; and presently upon their coming into the said province, the said John was proclaimed Earle of Dessmond; who (as is said) toke yt upon him, yf his elder brother James wold not ioyne with them, and assent tobe proclaymed Earle him self. This donne this rebellious rowte entred further into the said comitatus of Lymerick, and have burnt and spoiled the most part of the countrey townes, and villages, within that county. On Saturday morning the vij of this pressent James Fitz Thomas of Dessmond, elder sonne of the said Sir Thomas came to the traitors with 16 horse and 20 foote; and the purpose of the traitors then was to create him Earle of Dessmond at the hill of Ballioghly; about which time the Vice President had assembled the forces of the province, with full purpose to encounter with the traitors, finding the said forces so assembled, to be in shewe able to equall the strength of the enemy; but, albeit, divers of the noblemen and chief gentlemen of the province weare then and there ready (as yt seemed) to assist and accompany the governor in this conflict to be taken in hand, yet at the very instant the most part of the folowers of the said noblemen, and gentlemen went to the enemy, &c.

David Barry to Cecil, 12 February 1599.

My dutie always remembered. I am driven upon occasions to trouble your Honour, presuming uppon your great curtesy, I hope you will accept in good parte thereof. I am nowe to complaine to your Honour of Florence Mac Cartie howe by his affinitye with the traytor James Fitz Thomas, and his accesse unto him, hath of late assemled together seven houndereth of the Traytors bonies, 58 otherwise called here amonge us cabbage Soldiors. The first service he attempted with that graceles company was to directe them to a small cantred or Barony of mine called Ibawne, linge on a remote corner towards the sea, nyre Carribrie, and ther for the space of six wyeks remayned, takinge forceably meate, drinke, and monye, besides the spoyell of all my poore tennants ther; so as they are in manner quite undon. That small Baronye was one of the best stayes of liveing that I had; and nowe, by the said Florences meanes, my said tennants threof are scarse able to sustayne them selves. I was able tohave withstoode those inyories, but that your honourable lettre on Florence's behalf I respected, and therfore have not mynestered any empediment to the said Florence's procedinges; yett the said abusses I reffer to your Honour to by considered of, I wold by glad, if it seemed good to your Honour that Her Majestie wold graunt the remyttall of my old fyne that I might not hereafter be trobled for the same which I pray your Honour to procure, &c. &c. 59

DAVID BUTTEVANT.

'The state of the seuerall petitions and clayms by Florence McCarthy and Nicholas Browne, to all the inheritance of the late Erle of Clancare.' 16 March 1599.

The Erle's Patent.—It appeareth the Erle in 7 Reginae, accepted all his Erledome of Her Majesty by lettres patents to him and the heires masles of his bodie, and died without heire masle, having one daughter and heire maried to the said Florence.

Browne's Mortgage.—The Erle about x yeares past mortgaged for the some of 1000 markes or thereabouts 32 quarters of his lands to Nicholas Browne and his heires, and because that mortgage was not good longer then the Erle had heirs masles, the Queen's Majesty in favour granted lettres patents to the said Browne of those 32 quarters at cxxli annuall rente or thereabouts, to beginne after the death of the Erle without heires of his bodie, where it should have bene without heirs masles by which imprisions Browne's lettres patents are voied, till the Erles daughter shall die without heirs of her bodie.

The Erle died seised of xvi quarters of land more (besids his said lands mortgaged) and likewise of the Signories, rents, and duties, belonging to his Earldom, all which are reverted to Her Majesty, and in her disposition, as the Lords do conceave by relation of the Master of the Rolles, and Her Majesty's Solicitor in Ireland, albeit Florence shewed forth a deed of entaile of all the Erledom, in the tyme of Queene Marie, which deed having slept so long, and for some respects is not of credit in their Lordships opinion.

Florence and his wyf to have the lands in fee farme.

So as all the Erle's lands being now in Her Majesty's disposition, their Lordships thinke convenient for Her Majesty's service, in hope of Florence, his loyaltie, and service, being best hable to recover those lands out of the rebells hands, to moove Her Majesty to grant all the 32 quarters which Browne held; and th other xvj whereof the Erle died siesed, to Florence, and his wyfe, and his heires, being doughter and sole heire to the late Erle for £cxx per annum, because the rent which Browne paid is conceaved to be somewhat at too high a rate, for those barren lands, in so remote a place.

Browne to have assurance for his mortgage.

And for Browne's satisfaction of his mortgage money, that Florence do make an estate presentlie upon the ensealing of his lettres patents, to Browne and his heires, of the said 32 quarters formerelie mortgaged to him, paying Her Majesty the Queen's rent, ratably till the mortgage shall be satisfied, as Browne's counsell learned shall devise.

The Erle's cheefreis to be reserved to Her Majesty.

And touching the Erle's Signories, Rents, and superiorities, these to be reserved to the Queen's Majesty's disposition, and to be collected by some officer to be appointed, till Her Majesty shall otherwise dispose of them.

This cause was hard at the Court the xvjth day of March, 1598 before.

Lord Lieutenant.

Lord Chamberlain.

Lord Buckhurst.

Mr. Secretary.

Anthony Sentleger.Roger Wilbraham

Petition made by Florence MacCarthy, 16 March 1599.

The humble Peticion of Florence Macarthy

Maye yt please your Honuor I cannot imagine howe I maie ever (by that course which I perceived latelie by your Honor and the rest) either paie so much rent as is spoken of, or reduce the countrey people to conformitie, because they will streight, uppon knowledge of that rent, judge that neither I, nor themselves, shall never be able to live thereby; which will move them to mainteyne myne enemies the rebells stronger in the countrey then my selfe; this rent of £vi score a yeare, being but promist by Sir Valentine, and never paide; no Irishman being ever heretofore taxed, nor none there would take any land att that rate; the undertakers (whoe for want of experience or knowledge of that countrey promist it) being never able to paie yt; but because your Honor shall not think me desirous either to hinder Her Majesty's proftitt, or to refuse your Honor's offer, I shalbe contented to take every quarter thereof either as yt was surveyed, and valued by an office of inquirie before Sir Thomas Norreys, and the counsell there, and certified by hym, and the Queene's Attorney hither, or as Her Majestie graunted vij quarters thereof to the Earle's bastard; or yf this will not suffice, lett the Solicitor of Ireland that sawe those lands, consider of Sir Thomas 'Norreys' Surrey; what he thinkes I maye paie out of every quarter over and above the same, I will paie yt; and where I have heretofore made mention unto your Honor of a little provision of meale, butter, and flesh, due unto my father in law, of certeine Scepts of his followers, within that countrey, I humblie beseech your honour, att the reporting of my cause to Her Majestye, as well to remember the same, as to consider that all the countrey whereunto I goe, are out in action, and able to make above xii hundred men in armes; that all the meanes lyving or abilitye that I had is consumed in 12 yeares imprisonment, and sute, and all myne owne father's countrey spoyled through my staie here; whereby althoug I can gett men to recover my countrey, and to doe Her Majestie service, yet I am not able to arme, to cloath, or furnish them, or to horse any part of them, or to discharge my self herehence, whereby I shalbe hardlie able to doe my self much good, or Her Majestie that service that I purpose, except your Honour be a meane that I maye have a convenient charge, and be well furnished, and enabled by Her Highness, for the which your supliant will ever praye for your Honour, &c.

fflor. MCCARTHY.

Sir Thomas Norreys to the privy council, 20 March 1599.

It may please yor Honourable Lordsships since my last written in Ross I contynued in that countrey untill the xvj of this present, but cold not heare any confirmation of the arryval of the Spaniards, mentioned in a lettre, the copie whereof I then sent. I compelled those traytors that invaded that countrey to withdrawe themselves from thence, and have taken pledges and assuraunce of all the Gentlemen and inhabitants, saving O'Donouan Fininen Mc Ouen, Mc Charty, and Dermot Moyle Mc Chartye, Mr. Florence Mc Charties brother, who before my cominge had given their pledges and oths to those traytors, and therefore refused to come at me; whereupon I caused their castles, and howses to be taken and razed, and their people and landes to be spoyled, and have taken order that McChartye and the rest of that countrey shall menteyne of their owne people, at their owne chardges, 300 men contynnally in armes, with which, and with such assistaunce as upon any extraordinary occasion I shall give them I hope they wilbe hable to defend themselves, and annoye the traytors. It is there spoken that this Dermod Moyle doeth nothinge without his Brother Florence's his counsell; but I cold not get any particuler prooffe thereof, nevertheles (under favour), I thinke yt very convenient that he remayne there.

Sir Robert Cecil to the lord lieutenant, Robert Devereux, earl of Essex, April 1599.

May it please yor Lordship you shall receave by the hands of Florence MacCarthy a lettre, whereby Her Majesty hath geven you authority, to passe unto him, a grant of such lands of the Erle of Clancarthy his father-in-law, and with such reservations as were thought convenient upon the conference had when Her Majesty directed me the Secretary, to attend your Lordship in the consideration of that cause, assisted by two of Her Majesty's learned Counsell, the Master of the Roles, and the Sollicitor; since this tyme ther hath ben something written out of Munster, in generall terms from the President (though not alleadging any particuler cause, safe that his brother, and others, are out) tending rather to wish his stay, then his sending thether; Her Majesty, notwithstanding, finding the contrey so farr out as it is alredy, and the lands which he claymed, possessed by rebells, hath a gratious disposition rather to commit some trust to this man,—who hath long endured lack and want, and who undertaketh, or at the least offereth, to assiste her service with all the meanes he, and his frends can make,—then to make him desperate; having ben so long kept in confinement; she hath therfore ben pleased (according to your former opinion) to resolve to geve him an estate in those lands, according to the note subscribed by their hands, whereof your Lordship allowed before your going; nevertheles she hath commanded us, in private, to say thus much unto you, that if you shall, now that you are arrived in that kingdome, understand by further conference with our counsell, or any other, that this grant of ours may be likely tobe dangerous to our service, and that, in respect of that he shalbe heire to Mac Carthy lykewise, may geve him too great a greatness hereafter, and that these exemptions, and reservations of all those matters of rule and chiefryes, together with the imposition of rent and prohibition, and such other circumstances which doe abridge ye superiority over other Lords, which thEarle hath, do not now make a sufficient alteration in this man's state, and his father's that then, in this case Her Majestie is pleased your Lordship doe proceede with him to passe unto him ether more or lesse, so it be of these things limited in Her Majestie's letter; and where your Lordship shall receaue lykewise his petition, whereby it appeareth to Her Majestie your Lordship meant to make some use of his seruice Her Majestie hath thus despatched him; in yt respect leaveth him in all things to be used by you, and to receaue that benefyt by Her lettre which you in your wisdome shall thinke good.

Petition made by Florence MacCarthy, April 1599.

The humble Peticion of Florence McCarthy.

Your suppliat Florence McCarthy humblye beseecheth your Honour to be a mean that Her Majestie may consider the number of armed rebells that hath taken the possession of his countrey, through his long stay here; that all his meanes and liuinge is consumed in tuelf yeres imprisoment and suites, whereby he is unable to erect, arme or furnish his people, or to horss any of them without Her Majesty's help; his brother, cousens and people, being kild, taken, and spoyled of their goods, for want of weapon and furniture; and the recovering of his countrey, which is the strength, bak, and fastnes of the rebels of Monster, being the necessariest that can be don for Her Majesty's service there; besids that himself hath lived here this half yere without exhibicion (an allowance of £3 per week which the Queen had for a considerable time allowed him for his maintenance) which brought him greatly indebted; and that it will please your Honour also to be amean that som mencion may be made in Her Majesty's letter to the Lord Liftenant of iij quarters of those lands that stands in the comitatus of Cork, and of those litle duties or provision due unto his father in law within his countrey, signifieing onely in the sayd letter that Her Majesty's pleasure is that his Lordship (uppon knowledge, and informacion of the qualitie therof), may yf he think it good, grant the same; and that where your supliant hath (to enhable him to recouer his countrey) sued for a charge, that Her Highnes hath referred unto his Lordship to grant him what charge he thinkes fit for him, and beneficiall for Her Majesty's service, and yor suppliant, as he is bond shall ever pray for your Honour, &c. 60

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Robert Cecil, 20 April 1599.

To the Right Honorable his most approved frend Sir Robart Cecil, Knight, Principall Secretary to the Queenes most Excellent Majestie, and one of her Highnes most honorable Priuie Councell, &c.

It may please your Honour I am very sory that I was driven to troble yor Honour so often, considering yor owne desire to help me; neyther do I now troble yor Honour with intent to stay, or sue any more, for I will away presently as your honour shall think good, with any thing that your Honour can obtaine for me. At my last being with your Honour, I told you how doutfull I was of my wife's resignacion; for she is so froward, and foolish, as she will streight think that it is a device of myne to make away her Inheritance, as I did myn owne, in all my trobles past; which yf she had consented to do (as I protest I am sure she will not) I cannott imagine how to bring her; and I know my Lord will not stay at Dublin untill she com; neyther can a Fine be leauied but there; whereunto Sir Robart Gardner, and those of the councell that are learned (unto whom the Earle of Essex will put it over) will look so narrowly, as I am sure I shall not get a Pattent if therebe any mencion of a Fine, or any thing of my wifes; And yf Her Majestie shold write in generall termes to the Lord Liftenant, to take order with me that Her Highnes be not further trobled with any claime, or chaleng, for those lands, I know it will hinder it, yf his Lordship do not take myne owne assurance, or som reasonable course that lies in me to do; Also it is mencioned that all the Earle's Rents and cheferies shalbe reserved for Her Majestie, and yf Her Highnes have his rents and cheferies that he had out of those lands that is granted me, it cannott be woorth me nothing; therefore it is necessary to specifie there that all the sayd Earl's rents and clieferies may be reserved for Her Highnes but such as is due out of those lands, or countrey of Desmond, that is granted me; out of the which I must pay about vi score £ a yere, as Browne was to pay. The consideracion wherof I referr unto your Honour whom I beseech God long to continue, and prosper. 61

I humblie take leaue this xxth day of April 1599.
Your Honours most humble and thankful,
fflor: MCCARTHY.

St. Leger and Power to Cecil, 10 December 1599.

Right Honorable: May it please your Honour to understande that wheare (at the request of Mr. Florence Mac Cartye) we presume to write to your Honour on his behalf, beinge lately arrived here oute of Englande, with Hir Majestie's lettres to the Lord Lieutenant, both for his father-in-lawes landes, and also for sum convenient chardge to serve Hir Highnes, which (by reason of the Lord Lieutenant's absence) took not effect, answerable to his loial meaning, wherupon he was enforced to crave our ayd and advise in that behalf; determining with all expedicion to employ him self for the recovery of that countrey, and for that, his owne people and followers (whereof he hath a greate nomber), are altogether destitut of weapon, and municion, he became suppliant unto us for the same; which (altho we knewe it verye beneficiall for the furderance of Her Highnes' said service) we could not graunt, by reason of the smale store here, being neverthelesse persuaded that the recovery of that countrey would be verye availeable for Her Majestie, and so much the more preiudiciall unto the Traitors, they having placed their chiefest aboade in that countrey, as their greatest strengt and fastnes, we therefore hold opinion that it were requisit he shoulde be asisted by all goode meanes, considering that he is (at this present,) driven to entertaigne some fyve or sixe hundreth Conaght men, which he doth not altogether trust. And so for the Tytle of Mac Carthy (which the Bastard Donell Mac Carty doth nowe usurpe, withholdinge thereby the countrey) we also think it agreeable to policy, to th' end he might the rather induce the countrey people to forsak the rebells (which no doubt by this meanes they will) to graze him with the title of Mac Carty, wherby he shalbe the better enabled both to obtayne and defend that countrey; in which we desire to knowe your Honor's pleasur, and even so recomending him to your honourable and grave consideracion, with remembrance of our dueties we humblie take leaue.

At Cork

your Honours humblie to be comanded.
WAR. ST. LEGER.H. POWER.

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Robert Cecil, 12 December 1599.

My moste bonden dutie remembered: Although my fortune doth still continue in one hard moode, for want of meanes to recouer and defend me my countrey, and to serv Her Majestie against a sight of weake and senseles traytors, wherby I was not, since my cominge, able to doe aniething woorth the writieng unto your Honour; yet notwithstanding, because your Honour shall not think me unthankfull of your great favour towards me, nor unmindfull to do your Honour any service that lies in me, as also lest auy matter had bene inferred over against me, as is don here alreadie, I thought fit to aquaint your Honour with the state of this province, which is now comaunded for Her Majestie by Sir Warham Sent Leger and Sir Henry Power, whom I met at Cork, at my landing there; at which time James McThomas, which they call Earle of Desmond, stoode about Castellmainge with all his forces, to suffer nobody to goe in nor out; but while his Conaught Buonies were there, and his Mounster men, my wife, that defends such another Castell thereby, called Castell Logh, against her base brother; and my brother-in-law O'Sulevan that dwelles there by, could with frendshipp send in a messenger; but after the Buonies were changed, and that Desmond himself, with his cheefest, and faythfullest folowers, and with Capten Terell and his companie of four or v hundred, came about it, those poore English and Ireishmen that were in the Castell almost famished, were constrained to deliuer it a litle after my landing; which all Mounster could not have taken from Her Majestie yf I were possesst of my countrey, which comes to that castell gate on the south side. Sir Warham and Sir Henry Power were very carefull to relive it, but their forces were so weake, and the weather so foule and so reinie, that no English forces could go ouer Slieav Luochra: besids that I perceiv all the Lords and Gentlemen of these parts unwillinge to serv, and hazard them selfes and their men, the Queene's pay being given to those young felows, and Captens of small skill, and abilitie, that are preferred there, although most of those Lords and Gentlemen do beare the rebells noe affection; whereby I could wish that Her Majestie had entertained those that are able to bring good meanes to the warr, and that manifested their evill will to the Traytors by killing and spoyling them, or by being killed or spoyled by them, whereof there are a great number: for the Rebells doth nothing but kill, and spoyle, everywhere dayly, as I know of late by experience, for after Castellmaing was had, Desmond came with his forces to Drishane in Muskrey: His forces consisted of Twelf hundred foote, without anie horsmen to be spoken of. I had Sir Warham and Sir Henry Power's warrant to parle, or send to anye rebells, and was then in Dowall, within four miles of them, and sent to them for assuraunce to parle with them: they all swer to do me no hurte, and sent Capten Terell and Piers Lacie for me; where when I came, it passes how joyfull they were all of my coming; onelie they misliked that night myne Englis attire; but much more my pierecing speches in Her Majesty's behalfe, and against their foolish senceless, damned, action, to the undoing of themselfes, and all men els nere them. That night I sayd nothing; but the next morninge I entreated them that they wold not fauor myne adversarie, my base brother in law, nor help him with anye of their men, nor defend my countrey for him against me: whereuppon they sent me aside, and they, and the Bishopp Mc Cragh consulted concerning me, and they sent me woord by Piers Lacie that yf I wold promese to take their parte, and to frend them, they wold within foure dayes settle me in my countrey. I told them that my kinred to them, and alsoe my frendshipp in times past, was well know to themselfes; and craued the Bishoppes ayd in regarde of my religion; but, all wold not avayle; for they promest me no fauor; their answer being that my countrey was the bak and strengthe of all Mounster, and that yf I possest it I shold destroy them all in a moment for Her Majestie, which they wold with all their endeauour hinder me of, except I were swerne at the least to do them no hurte; which, — — I refused to do: wheruppon I departed with as litle fauour as they could afford me; but as I was with them that night, after their supper of Beefe and watter, which is all the meales they make in a day, they had not for their xij hundred men but ij bedds; thone for the Bishopp and another divine of great acompt among them, his name is Dermod; and thother for Desmond, where he wolde ueds haue me to lie alsoe; wherby one of Her Majesties, and another of Tireowens, lay together that night. Wherof, and of my being there, my Lord Barry made upp great matters everywhere here; but Sir Warham, and Sir Henry Power told him that I went by their advise and warrant; but he never thought to tell them how himselfe promest hisdoughter in mariadg to Desmond, which Sir Warham and Sir Henry doth well know. At my departing from the Rebells I took one of their best Captens with ij hundred men from them, and so went to Cork to aquaint the councell there with their intentions; wheruppon Sir Henry Power caused all the forces hereabouts to be gathered; they being gon through Muskery into my Father's countrey of Carbry, where thay spoyled the three best, and welthiest folowers that I had, hauing lodged all their forces in their vilages, and consumed all their coone and cattell. I went to them againe uppon assurance, at their coming out of Carbrie, thinking to bring them and the Queene's forces to mete; but all the witt in the world could not persuade them to be one houre out of their bogges and wodds, wherby they could not be fought withall. After their departure, I tooke Sir Warham and Sir Henrie's advise for my jorney into my countrie, to recouer it. I tolde them what forces of Conaght me I entertained, which are about v or vi hundred, and how I could not make up any number to be spoken of myne owne men for want of weapon, whereuppon, (because Her Majestie's storehouse here is not well stored of municion now, as my self hath seene), they thought fitt to write unto your Honour in my behalf, and to signifie how beneficiall the recouping of my countrie wold be unto Her Majestie, and what service I am able to do her yf I might haue meanes; wherefore I humblie beseech your Honor, as I have allwayes found you a most honourable and carefull frend, to be a mean (by acquainting Her Highnes, and the councell, with what is certified in my behalf, and by furthering it) that I maye obtaine som honourable chardge, and that I may haue weapon and municion, for iij C, all in pikes and calivers, which I will answer out of myne entertainement or otherwise, as Her Majesty's pleasure may be signified to the councell of Ireland both herein, and concerning the Title of Mc Carthy, which the Bastard hathe taken uppon him, and which is a great motiue to the foolish contrey people to follow him; for they will hardly folow such a man as I am, that will not suffer him self to be called Mc Carthy, where they may find one that is publikly so called; which matter is one of the chefest causes what detains me out of the countrey; for yf I ouercom the sayd bastard and Buonies that be with him, the people of the countrey, which are almost altogether for me, will, against my will, call me Me Carthy: which will, for fear of imprisonment yf I came in, and for feare of being reputed, and acompted a Rebell, yf I stayed out, make me leaue Her Majesty's service, and runn bak into England, or into France, or to som other place of Her Majesty's frends, being long since wearie of imprisonment, in which calamitie I spent a dozen yers already; And so humblie beseching Your Honours spedie comfort in these matteres, beseching God long to kepe and prosper yr, I humblie take leaue.

Your honor's most humble, faythfull, and thankfull to be commaunded,

flloR MCCARTHY. Kinsale,

List of the Irish forces in Desmond by Sir George Carew, lord president of Munster, circa 1600.

Name Horse Galloglas Kerne
MacCarthy More, Prince of that portion.401602000
MacCarthy Reagh, Lord of Carbry.60802000
Donogh MacCarthy of Dowallie.2480200
Teig MacCormac of Muskry.4080200
O'Keefe.120100
McAwliffe.80060
O'Donovan.6060
O'Driscols of Collimore and Baltimore.60200
O'Mahon of Ivaghe.260120
O'Sullevan Beare and Bantry.100200
O'Donough More of Lough Lene.120200
O'Mahoni of Brin.460100
O'Dwyre of Kil-na-managhe.120100
McTeig McPhilip of Kilnaloghengarty.6040

The last two were not followers of MacCarthy.62

Sir Henry Power to the lords of the privy council, 4 March 1600. 63

May yt please your Lords to be advertised. Since the last letters from us, wherein your Lordships were given to understand of Tyrones coming into this province I have heerein according to my promyse, sett down his proceadings; At hys first drawing into the country, he lodged some six dayes in ye Lord Rooche his country, doing very little harme, the common report being yt he had temporizd with him, the which as yet I beleaue, because he will not repayer hether to cleare himselfe of some obiections layde against him by certayne of the country, tending to yt purpose.

The 18th of February he passed the black water, not being able before to doo yt by reason of ye hight theereof; and marcht presently towardes Corke, about which, sometymes within 2 myles, and sometymes 3 or 4 myles of he hath lodged untill this present day; in which tyme he hath by letters and menaces, sought all the meanes he could, to draue the gentlemen which arr subiects into his faction, especially ye Lord Barry, whom finding resolutely bent to contynew his alleageatince towardes Hir Majestie, he burnt and spoyled all his country, and kild or caryed away all such cattle as he could come by, and by an unknowen passage, past men into his Iland, and burnt yt, he not knowing, but that yf a foord weere defended they could not have come in, the which I put men upon, and secured yt. Yt is thought yt some haue given their pledges to him, of whome as yet wee have no notice, and I am the rather perswaded thereunto, because he hath not used yt violent course towardes them, which he hath towardes the Lord Barry, and to Charles Mc Carty, and some other. In these troubles the Lord Barry hath caryed himselfe very honorably and shewed himselfe a very loyall subiect towardes Hir Majestie.

After he had used most extreame tyranny towardes him he marcht by this towne, and lodged at Cariggrohan, one myle distaunt from hence, wher McGuire passing with the horsemen to spoyle and burnn the country, he himselfe afterwardes past, and encampt fast by ye river syde, the country burning; with such horse as I had, I went to see what countenaunce the rebells bore, thinking to gett up some straglers, to whose second McGuire stood with a grose of 45 horse, and 16 shott, upon whom my fortunn was to happen. With me was Sir Warram St. Ledger whom hardly I drew to consent to ye charging of them; but in ye end I put towardes them, and then the resydue followed me, which McGuire perceauing prepared himselfe for the encounter; at the first, his shott did us some harme, and amongst the rest kiled one of my best horses with a bullett in ye head: they being disperst, I ioined with the horse, and after some conflict ouerthrew them: there weere 32 of his horsemen slayne, amongst whom McGuire made one, his foster father, his priest, all the commaunders of his regiment, and fine or six of Tyrones principall gentlemen dyed with him; I had one blow at his eldest soonn with my staffe, leaning the head of yt buried in him, and him for dead, but sence brought into their camp aliue, but not likely to be recouered; and the better to make the overthrow manifest, I gayned his cornet, a very faire one, and sett yt on the topp of my castle, somewhat distant from ye townn in the view of their camp. I left to persew ym any farther, the approching of ye night, and the nearenes of their camp forbidding me: of us they hurt not many; onely Sir Warram St Ledger with a blow of staffe daungerously throughe the skull, myselfe a blowe on the head with a sword, and a pushe into the arme with a staffe, but both of ym faintly giuen, and not much hurtfull. Thus this auncient Traytor to Hir Majestie ended his dayes, halting prosperously contynewed theise xvj yeares, and being the meanes of drawing ye rest into action, who ever before vaunted of his giuing blowes. This day they are passing further up into ye country. Florence McCarty ys come unto Tyrone, but by his letter assureth us of his loyalty. Yf he prove false they will endaunger Kinsale, all the town being for ye most part of his allyaunce; but he hath protested much, and as yet hath given us no cause to think him dishonest.

H. POWER.

William Lyon, bishop of Cork and Ross, to Cecil, 5 March 1600.

On Saterday last, beinge the 1st of this moneth, McGuyre with others were sent by Tirone into Kirriwhirry (the Signorie of old Sir Warrham St Leger), to burne and spoile: In his retourne a litell before night he was encountred withall by Sir Warrham St. Leger and Sir Henrie Power, who issued forth with certen horse out of Cork; and about the sunne set, McGuyre was slayne by Sir Warrhame himself, and he again wounded by McGwyre, in the head, with an horse man's staffe, to death (as it is thought), the same tyme were slaine McGwyre's Sonne, his priest, his foster brother, with divers others of accoumpt amongst the traitors: some of theire horsemen's staues and MacGuyre's coollors were brought away. He left his staf in Sir Warrhames head, and flead wounded; and, by reason of the fall of the evening, after he had ridden about a mile, not being further pursued, fell downe from his horse, died that night under a bush, and is gone to his place, the next morning was carried to the rebells camp dead. Florence McCarthie is ioined with O'Neyle, surrendered his patent, and all his right unto O'Neyle, hath yielded to hould the countrey of him, and ioineth with him in the action. This was done at his camp on Monday last, the 3d of this moneth, and since confurmed to the councill heere by a gentleman of good accoumpt and credit. 64

John Meade, mayor of Cork, to Cecil, 6 March 1600.

I am alsoe bold to aduertize your honour that one John Anias latelie where restrayned in the Towre, 65 was found uppon the walls of this cittie, poorlie arraied, barefooted, and altogether disguized from his wonted attire; whou being brought before me, I examyned his name, and he said his name was John Magnes, whom I did know by eing him narrowlie, and omytted him to the gaole, where he is to remayne till he have his tryall by law, with whose aprehension I haue acquaynted the Lord President, for which he was verie thankfull, Your honour hath received notice heretofore of his behaviour since his last depture from thence, wherefore I thinke yt unecessarie to repeate the parex>ticulers.

Sir John Stanhope to Florence MacCarthy, 20 March 1600.

Although it be true that many reportes from Mounster of your proceedinges synce Tyrone came thither, do give an occasion to those who wish you ill there, to number you amongst the ill affected subjects, yet tyll it be heard from yuorself, and seene by more infaylable proofes, your frends yt know you, cannot but retayne that assured opynion which they have ever conceaved of your miseparable duty towards your gracyous soveraigne. For first it is as well knowen to me as to any man lyving that Hir Majesty in her owne nature hath ever ben so farre from condemning you heretofore, and when dyvers of her counsell have urged circumstances against you, she dyd over conclude you inwardly faithfull toher. Next methinks, when I remember you Mr. Florence a wyse and cyvill genttleman generally beloved of their sort, and partyculerly esteemed by dyverse of extraordynary place and credytt, I am so farre from beliefe that you have incorporated yourselfe with the combynacion of savag traytours, as I doe assure myselfe that the manner of your formall assocyating, or temporysing with them in this confusion hath no other end then thereby to inable you to shewe yor resolucyon and affectyon to doe Hir Majesty service. In doeing whereof (even now when greatest tryall may be made of valour and duty) you are assured to gayue yourself honour quyet, and happynes. Thus have I now playnly shewed you my beliefe, from which I protest nothing can remove me but yourselfe, wherein, yf I be deceaved, (which yet I hold impossyble,) let me in requytall of all former goodwill heare from you what is true, or false; and then shall I conclude there is no fayth in Israell. If otherwise it be, and if you haue any secret purpose, and honest desires to make knowen, let me be informed of them; and I will impt it to Her Majesty, who styll laugheth at ye folly of any of those flying bruets which do but tend to suspycion of any resolved defectyon in you; and I assure myselfe would be more pleased with any good servyces that you shold do her then with ten tymes so much of others, whom she knoweth not, nor values not. You may be no we assured of all ye favour which ye Presydent can shewe you, for the Queen dyd pryncypally recomend you to hym, and of myselfe you may expect all ye offices which your good carryag can deserve from him that hath ever ben yor loving freend.

[Endorsed:] Copie from SIR JOHN STANHOPE to FLORENCE MAC CARTHY. March 20.

Mr. Justice Saxey to Sir Robert Cecil, 28 March 1600.

From Poole.

Sir,—Florence McCarty having received gracious favours from Her Majestye, and pretending title to the countrey of Dessmond under Her Highnes graunt, hath lately (as Mc Carty More) taken a rodd according to the Yrish custome, and holdeth the possession of that countrey by that abolished custome, and not by Her Majesty's Lawes. The banishment of that country of Donald Mc Carty (backt by the Traytor Dessmond before Florence's coming over), did argue that Florence was greatly graced, yf not supported, by Tyrone; and Florence him self being charged both therewith, and with private conference with Dessmond, hath lately confessed, that synce his late coming into Yrland he lay with the Traytor Dessmond two nights, and gave out that yt is Hir Majesty's pleasure that he should converse with him.

About the 4th of March Florence came to Tyrone, then being in the comitatus of Cork, and there toke his oath to be true to him, and to serve him against the English, and gave him his brother for pledge, untill he might send unto him his Sonne and heire, and thereupon Tirone appointed him Governor of Monster, and preferreth him, for that he is Mere Yrish, before Dessmond because he is of English race. Mc Carty Reugh Lord of Carbury is brother in law to James Fitz Thomas the supposed Earle of Dessmond.

Carbury can make 1,000 men aimed against Her Majesty, but to serve Her Majesty there are not 30.

Muskery can make 1,000 armed men to do service against Her Majesty, but for her skant 60. The lyke of Barry's countrey: the lyke of Roche's countrey.

'A brief note of Captain Flower's Journey into Roskarbry', 1 April 1600.

First beinge appoynted by Sir Henry Power, chief comaunder of the forces here, to marche into Carbry; (ther to borne and spoyl all suche as were revolted from their loialty, yf they would not come in) and put in sufficient pleges for their subiection.

The first daye that I marched from Kynsale in our passage over the ryver of the Bandon we were enterteigned with a light skermishe by some of Florence Mc Carties men, where we slew 12 of them, wherof ther was three gent; and toke iiij cowes, borned Carregnase, wherin Florences ward was, and all that borders, with great store of corne belonginge to Dermond Moyle M'Cartie (Florence's brother) now a rebbell.

The third dayes march in our waye to Ross we borned a castell called the Muntan, belonginge to a foster father of Florence McCartie's, which was then as pledge with Tyrone for Florence's brother to him; with mayny townes belonging to the said castell, where was borned much corne; and our soldiers had great store of armes, and other spoyls.

From thence wee marched to Rosse, where we rested two dayes.

From Rosse we marched over, the Leape into O'Donovan's country, where we borned all those partes, and had the kylling of mayny of there churles and poore people, leavinge not therein any one grayne of corne within ten myles of our waye wherever we marched; and toke a praye of 500 cowes, which I caused to be drowned, and kylled, for that we would not trouble ourselves to dryve them in that jorney. Beyond the Leape we stayd three dayes; in which tyme we borned and spoyled all the Sept of the Clan Dermondes (Mac Carthys) then in accion and upon our marche into O'Mahon feins (Fin's) countrey, I had sertayne intelligence that Florence McCartie was prepared with 1,800 men to entercepte my passage backe to Rosse; upon which newes I retorned to Rosse; and the same night Florence came and camped within two myles of me, with parte of his forces; and Dermond O'Connor comaunder of the Conought men with 1,000 Connaughe souldiers camped one the other side of me, within iij myles of us, to entercept our passage to Corke (as they saied) but we were so troublesome neighbours to those Conought men, that we enforced them to draw their forces together, wher they remayned before us tene dayes, in which tyme Sir Henry Power sent me espetiall order to draw to Corke with all speed I coulde; upo which receipt I marched towards Kynsayle. The enemie understanding of my rysinge, followed us with all their force all that daye, but by reasone we gott the playnes, and a myle before them, I would never suffer them to brenge up their strength to fyght, but still kept them in with our horse; in that dayes marche we killed xlij wherof were fyfe gent.

When we came to Kynsayle, I received direction to marche to Corke, and leavinge 250 of th army behinde to gard that towne (in my jorney to Cork unexpected) wee were enterteigned with ther whole force, wher the inforced us, by reason of a bridge that they had gayned of us, to fight upon a retreate, for half a myle, and better, but after wardes, finding my advauntage, both of tyme and grounde I charged there first baitelle with some horse and brok them; and had the execution of them a myle. In that chardge we slewe dead 137, wherof 8 were captains, besides 37 sore wounded. Of them ther died the first night, which were hurt, sixtene. My self beinge at that time and in the beginninge hurt, uppon the first chardge, with a picke, nine inches into the thighe (by their generall). At that chardge I had one horse killed under me with three picks in his body, and tow bulletts. When we bracke them I fought hand to hand with their generall where I received my second hurt in my head, by one that carried their collors (I having one parte of them in my hand, and he th other). Her I had my second horse slayne with picke, under me. So I thank God we were masters of the feild, and in all that jorney we lost but one lyvetennant and nine soldiers being slayne, and myself with fiftene others hurt.

William Lyon, bishop of Cork, to Sir Robert Cecil, 2 April 1600.

With a note what conference passed between Florence McCarty and Donnell M'Carty.

My duty most humbly remembered unto your Honor,

May it please the same; since conference had with Mr. Watson, I have presumed to advertise your Honor of the success of things here, hoping of your Honor's favorable acceptance thereof, only done in discharge of my duty in my place. After that the traitor O'Neyll had taken a full view of the harbours of Cork and Kensall (which are ten myles asunder) and had don his will upon the inhabitants in the borders, he retourned the way he came, into Muskry, into the Lord Roche's countrey, and so into Arlo Woodds, where he was the eighth day of the last moneth, at which tyme my Lord of Ormond passed with his forces that way toward Limerick, about some six myles of. Tirone getting knowledge of his being passed by, raised his camp at midnight, leaft his fyres burning, went on his journey northward, and that peece of the night, and the next day, marched 23 miles at least. Tirone, amongst other establishments of his for our southren rebells hath deputed his Cosin Florence Mc Carthy, his Mac Carty Moore, the chief commander over the Irishry; and James Fitz Thomas his Earle of Desmond, over the English-Irish rebells, that is, those Irish of ancient English stock, now Irished altogether. Since that, Florence Mc Carthie, the traitor, is so stronge upon all this coast, viz., from the old head of Kensall untill Dingle-Cush, and within the river of Limerick in Kerry-side; it is needefull (under correction) that his coast be well garded, and kept from foreign forces, which doubtlesse Florence will by all meanes seek to drawe to him. Florence gave twoe pleadges unto Tirone for his loyalty, and fidelity, and to bringe in to him his eldest Sonne; viz., his own brother Dermode, that traitor, and one Finin Mc Donell Carthy, his foster brother, a freeholder; the said pleadge, his eldest sonne was to be given to Dermode O'Conohor, O'Neyll's deputie, for that purpose, about the 12th of the last moneth, the delivery is yet uncertain. O'Neyll hath taken one of the said twoe pleadges with him unto the north; the other—yt is Florence's brother—is retourned home. The said Dermode O'Conohor is leaft behind with O'Neylls other forces to attend on Florence; having a thousand of O'Neylles Northern rebells under his commaund, to be at Florence's direction. The case thus standing, Florence Mc Carthy, yet, for all this, pollitikely and impudently gives it forth by lettres and messagies to his friends in the townes, where he is well favoured, especially in Kinsall, that he continueth loyall to Her Majestie; and did what is done in deape pollicie to coossen Tirone, by warrant out of England, for the better safety of himself and his countries. The Irish do beleeve this, and hold him for a good subject; yea, and of the English also, not knowing that this was the verie practise of O'Neyll himself at his first entrance into action of rebellion, to dally with the State, and the worlde, untill he had fitted himself, as your Honor best knoweth. Florence being in camp besides Kinsall with O'Neyll, had thereout, upon his lettres, from his friends bottells of wyne, and better relief. I cannot but deliver this unto your Honor, wishing it might be looked into, with other of the Towne's doings.

The 27th of the last, Florence wrote unto Sir Henry Power, for protection to parley with him; the council did agree, and gave him ward. The day following comes Florence within twoe miles of Cork, with 300 Connaught Bonewes, by a woodside, (for he would not come into Cork). Theether went Sir Henrie, and Sir George Thornton, and Sir Charles Willmott; and Florence comes out of the wood all armed with a pistoll at his gerdell, verie timorous. First conferred with him Sir Henrie and Sir George, and after Sir Charles with them. His speeches in defence of his doings are so frivolous, as that I will trouble you Honor therewith, as, if Her Majestie would have him to leave all, and beg in England, he wold do it; with other vaine words. But no likelihood of any hope that he is, or will be, a thankfull subject for so many great favours, and graces, received of Her Highnes. The generall opinion of him heere is that he will shew an Irish trick, ingratitude, for a good turne, and whatsoever he allegeth, sure it is his joining with O'Neil was voluntary; he might have kept him from him, but he aimeth to be as great in the south as the other in the north. The Lord of Hosts confound them both! I pray in charity.

At the old head of Kensall, there is a strong fort, lately in Florence's keeping, but now taken by direction, and a ward there placed. O'Neyll hath equally divided betwixt his cosin Florence, and his Earle of Desmond, all profits gotten in the province, or coming from beyond the seayes. Pardon me, Right Honourable, I beseech you: to yield a poor opinion, it were very requisite that some of Her Majesty's pinnaces be appointed for this coast, and the river of the Shannon. The consideration I humbly leave to your Honour's grave and deep judgment, craving pardon for my boldness.

Cork

Your Honor's humbly to be commanded,
WILLIAM CORK & Ross.

Ps

The Lord President is not yet come into the province, but looked for daily.

To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, Principal Secretary to the Queen's Most excellent Majesty.


[Enclosed with the above letter of 2 April 1600.] Certain conference past betwixt Florence McCarthie And Donell McCarty, alias McCarty Reaugh; delivered by the said Donell McCarthie, to me, the Bishop of Cork.

The said McCarty and Florence being together at Kilbrittan, at what tyme James Fitz Thomas the traitor was in Coursey's countrey or 4 or 5 myles of from that place, The said Florence asked of Mc Carthie Reaugh (they twaine standing in the window in Kilbrittaine castell next to the sea) what course he would take? Mc Carty made answere that he purposed to houlde, as he had done, on Her Majesty's side. Florence made answeare and said, 'take heede what you do! the Queene is not able to overcome us; trust not in the English, for they are not sound among themselves, and the Councill is devided, and no man knoweth it better than I do; and be suer that the Irish will prevaile; and if I obteyne Mc Carty More's countrey (as I have no doubt but I shall), it is a fast and safe countrey, and full of rocks and mountains, and great fastnesse, and there we shalbe safe if we cannot keepe this countrey: there we shalbe strong enough for the English.' These and other despitefull and traiterous words Florence uttered to Mc Carty, as Mc Carthie enformed me. Charles Mc Carthie, now in England, and Owen O'Swillivan told unto me the 4th of the last moneth, that O'Downin a Rimer of Muskrie being in the north with O'Neyll, O'Neyll shewed him divers lettres sent to him from Florence Mc Carthie; some, three yeares ago, some later.

WM. CORK & Ross.

Ps

Since the writing of this note it is certainely signified that Florence Mc Carty sent one Richard Burk, a Capten of some of the northern rebels, to spoile the Barony of Ybawne, belonging to the Lord Barry; where the said Burk was slaine by the nephew of the Lord Barrie's; in this conflict was slaine also the said nephew, who had the charge of Ybawne, under the Lord Barry. On Burk's side with himself were slaine 9 of the best gentlemen he had, and 40 other.


Joshua Aylmer to Sir Robert Cecil, 21 April 1600.

And least your Honour should think me carelesse of my endeavours, I, in discharge of my duetie present unto your Honour what hath happened here sence my arrivall, and in especiallie this daies service, wherin I was an actor, and eie witness. Please it your Honour therefore to understand that Florence Mc Carta entertayned one Dermond O'Knowhoer with 600 others of Conaght, and levied theforce of his owne countie which he ioyned to them, and in all they were 1,200, with which force he oppenlie opposed him self as a Traitor against Her Majestie, wheruppon Her Highnes forces to the number of 1,000 fotte and 80 horse, entered his countrie, burned prayed, and spoyled a great parte thereof, and killed about 60 of his men. On Sundaie the 20th of this instant they returned to Kinsale, and ther rested all night. Mondaie the 21st in the morninge leavinge behinde them Sir Richarde Percie and Captaine Bostocke companies contayning 250 fotte, Captaine Flower with 500 fotte and 60 horse, beinge Serjeant Major, and sole comander ofthat armie, marched towards Cork; and havinge no intelligence of the enemie that morning, did little suspecte ther beinge in that parte of the countrye; but Florence MacCartta accompanied as aforesaid, seckinge all meanes he might to defeate Her Majesty's forces, privelie conveied himselfe, and in the mid waie to Corke, at a little narrowe bridge, the forde deppe and daungerous envirowned with wood and bogge, ther he imbattled all his companie, deviding them into two severall battales: Dermond O'Knowhoer comanded the first, and him self the seconde; ther they laie flatt on the grounde, attendinge our cominge, and suffered our scotts to passe the bridge, and to returne againe, which the did without any discovered; Till our horse goinge downe the hill to passe the bridge, made a halte, and stayinge to vewe the place, discried them as the laie, by the Sonne shyninge on their murions; wee retyred to put ourselves in order, but the toke ther parte advantage, and ther vangarde with the winges of shotts charged us before we could recover the hill, so as the horse was faine to bide the fury of their force, till the fotte were in order to fight; and then expectinge they wolde have discharged ther duties, and made good ther ground, they all retired most shamefullie with little lesse then runninge awaye, till the came to a little castell more then a quarter of a myle of; wher some toke the castell in hoppe to save them selves; the rest stod to defends the Bawne, the baukes wherof were briste high, uppon the which were placed 60 shotte which discharged so luckelie as they killed many of the enemie, the rest for the must parte let fall their armes, and ranne awaie; the horse followinge the chase killed 200 of them which laie ther in the felde, wherof Dermond O'Knowhore, his second brother was one, and quatuor more of ther best leaders with 10 gent of accompt ther were hurt, bie report from them, as may more of them. Dermond O'Knowhore and Florence were both shotte with pistols, but the had no hurt: on our part there was slain lieutenant Grime, and some 8 other horsemen, and 15 hurt; whereof Captain Flower was hurt in the thighs with a pike. We lost in this fight 30 horses. In the end we had the field and made the enemy flee; but by the faint courage of the foot was lost the benefit of the 2 day's service, which being duely executed, had ended the war of that part, and cut off Florence and all his rebellious company; but if the castle had been one quarter of a mile further, all her Majesty's forces had been cut off! and scarce any had come away to tell who had hurt them.

Sir Henry Cuffe to Cecil, Cork, 23 April 1600.

To the Right Honourable Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, Principal Secretary to Her Majesty and one of Her Highness' most Honourable Privy Council.

Right Honourable,

Myselfe amongst many others beinge tyed by your great favors, acknowledge it a dutie to give you advertisement of the accidents which happen in these partes; of one fortune made me partaker uppon my first landinge at Kensale, wher parte of our forces, to the number of, 600 foote & 80, horse, under the commande of Captain Flower, wear newly retorned from Karribry, beinge followed by Florence Mc Carty, who had drawen in Dermond O'Connoher with 2,000 to resist Her Majesty's forces; of which companyes, the day before my arivall, our horse had cutt of 50 foote yt laye in ambushe to discover which way we tooke; we being to martch unto Corke, and the enemy determininge to fight with us, had placed uppon a fourde in the waye, a regiment of 700, who beinge discovered, Captain Flower retired to a place of better advauntaidge, himselfe with the horse keeping the reare, which they charged very hotlye, owt of an assured hope to have gotten the daye, havinge two other regiments near at hande; but ther expectation was made voyde by some 80 shott that wear ambushed uppon our retiringe, who discharginge killed some and stroake such an amasemente in ye rest yt many castinge away ther armes betooke them to their heeles, but the horse pursewinge the occasion, beat them into their battaile; killed 200, five commanders, and divers gentlemen; we lost aboute 70 men & of horses kilde, and hurte above twentye. I cannott informe you of the strenth of the companyes having not yett vewed them, &c. &c. In the meane time I recommend my service & myselfe to your honorable regard, and so take humble leave.

Corke

Your Honor's most asseured and redy to be ommanded
HN: CUFFE.

Power to the privy council, 30 April 1600.

Sir Henry Power to the Lords of Her Majesty's Privy Council.

The Lord President ys come to this Province the 24th of this instant to whom I have delyvered the charge, which was committed unto me. And for that I maye the better yeald your Lordships accompt thereof, &c. &c. How Tyrone came into the country and of his attemptes I have formerly advertised your Lordships, as also of Florence Mc Cartyes coming to him, and having setled the State, makinge Florence cheefe, in regard he was of ye race of ye meere Irishe: With much more hast than he came into the province he departed, and the first night marchinge to the broad-water, although by reason, of the hight thereof, it was not passable, yet he attempted yt, notwithstanding so doing he lost many of his men. There Florence McCarty parted from him, and went into his own country &c. &c. The doubt which I then conceaved of Florence caused me to lay a plott upon a castle which he possessed called ye Old Head, standing very offensive to the harbors of this Towne, and Kinsale which tooke effecte; and I assure your Lordships there is no place in this province of greater import than yt, &c. &c.

I sent a 1,000 men into Carbury (Florence his cheifest place to maynetayne his hierlinges in, and to offend most out), with derection, eyther to wast yt, or to take assuraunce of ye freeholders at their first entrye they tooke a great pray, and kild divers of ye Mahoans, ye principall men of yt part; and afterwardes passed ye Leape, wasting, burning, and killing ye cattle of all yt country; and so retourned to Rosse, to effect yt charge which was comitted to them; wheer they lay 14 dayes taking in of pledges. Florence in the mean tyme gathering together of his followers and hierlings 1,800 men, came and lay by them. Upon the news of ye Earle of Ormond, I sent for them to draw hether: at their rysing ye rebells made profer to fight, but came not on, although they lost their forlornn hoope, consisting of 40 of their best men, which was defeated by ye horse, and ye reare of Florence's own battle broken, and 10 of them kild; and so they came to Kinsale without losse; whear leauinge the guarysonns of that townn behind them, they came towardes Corke with 100 horse and 600 foott. In their way, Florence with all of his force was layd in an ambushe, and did it so secreatly yt they weere ready to ioin before they weare discouered. Yt ground not serving our men to fight on, they retrayted towardes a playne, and in ye way layd aboue 100 shott in ambushe; which retrayte bread a boldnes in the rebells, and moved them to follow them; in which doing they fell into the ambuscade of shott, and receaved the vollye, in which their weere many of the rebells commaunders, and gentlemen slayne: The resydew neglected their attempt, and our horse charged, and put them all to flight; their were slayne six captaines, 10 gentlemen, and 140 that carryed armes, of ye rebells; of ours theer weere onely eight slayne, and Captain Flower and some others lightly hurt: The rebells begann to make heade againe, but my coming in with 40 freshe horse, which I had gathered, altered their determination; and so I brought them to Corke to entertayne ye Lord Presydent, to whom I layve the province, in fair better termes then I found yt, for wheereas before thear was no passage in any part of ye country, now two men may passe between this and Waterford, which ys 50 myles, and in like manner to Kilmalock; neyther has theer beein any man intercepted sence Tyrone's departure; theise partes being now very quiett, and populous. I doubt not but that I should have rendred your Lordships a larger accoumpt of theise warrs, yf I had had 200 horse; but I never saw aboue thirty sence my coming, which were of companyes, for although Sir Anthony Cookes, Captain Whytes, and Captain Taffe's horse weere sett down for this province yet my Lord of Ormond sent captain Taffe's horse into Meath, and kept Sir Anthony Cookes, till they weere so spent with travell yt they could not endure any longer. I am now going to Dublyn to receave yt charge, which your Lordships in yor Honourable care towardes me, have assigned for me; from whence, how your Lordships Order shall take effect, I wilbe carefull to acquaynt your Lordships; as also, contynually of my proceedinges, and thus with my most humble duty to your Lordships, humbly submitting myselfe to your Lordships most honourable censures, I take my leaue.

Your Lordships most bounden,
Cork

H. POWER.

Carew to the privy council, Cork, 30 April 1600.

From the Lord President, the Earl of Thomond, and Council of Munster, for Her Majesty's speciall Affaires, to the Right Honourable the Lords of Her Majesty's Privie Councell.

It may please your Lords The 24th of this instant I the President arryved heare, where since my cominge (havinge been employed with the councell for the most parte to understande in some perfect sort the state of this province) I do fynde that the confusion and distemper therof hath not bin greater then now yt is, since the first beginninge of theis trobles; neither may wee expect any suddin reformation therof, other then such as wee can worke by Her Majesty's forces against so stronge an enemy, who (by a generall computacion of the Lords of the countreys here, and of the vulgar sort) of Provinciall rebells and Bonnoughtes, are no less then 7,000 hable, weaponed men; and their annoyaunce to the poore subiects wilbe the greater, in regarde wee can neither looke, nor hope for any assistaunce from the Lords of the countreys, who are onely in personall shewes subiects, as the Lord Power, the Lord of Dunboyne, Lord Roche, the Lord of Cahir, Cormock Mc Dermot, chief of Muskery, McCharty Reough, chief of Carrebry, Garrald Fitz James chief of the Deasyes, Patrick Condon, O'Calloughan, and all others (except the Lord Barry, who of late hath don good service) being assured from the rest to recaive no ayde for Her Majestie with their forces, the most of them hauinge either their brothers, or next kinsmen in actuall rebellion.

Florence McCartie (if he contynue in this disloyall course, which he hath begonn, (wherof as yet we have no other hope) by his frends namely, both the O'Sulyvans, Mc Fynnen, the Carties of Desmond, O'Donnevan, O'Crowly, O'Mahon-Carbrey, O'Mahon-Fin, sundry of the Septes of the Carthys of Carbery, the Mc Swynes, most of the Carties of Muskery, all the Carties of Dowallo, O'Keefe, Mc Awlye, and many of the O'Callanghans, with his and their followers, and kinsmen, who before weare better disposed by their outward affections, wilbe the strongest, and of greatest force of any traytor in Mounster; insomuch as wee are of opinion (under reformation of yor Lordships more grave judgments) that 1,500 of Her Majesty's forces (a chardge heretofore not expected) must of necessitie be employed against him, which might otherwise have been disposed towardes the prosecution of James Fitz Thomas and his adherents, wherby the reducinge of the province is much more difficult then before; besides the preestes haue in their divellysh doctrine so much prevayled amongest the people in generall in this province, as for feare of excommunication very few dare serve against the rebells, or any way ayde Her Majesty: and this infection has so farr crept into the hartes of the inhabitants of the cities, and corporat townes, as the chief magistrates and maiors therof do now refuse to come to the church, which at no tyme heretofore hath bin seene, that yt is to be feared (yf the Spanierdes do make any invasion, which many of them, and the rebells do expect) the citties and townes are in daunger to be lost by revolt, &c. &c.

And lastly as wee have manifested to yor Lordships the staggering and uncertein rumours which the insolent traytors of this province are possessed with (being apt to forsake their dutie and obedience, upon any triflinge occasion) so, give us leave wee most humbly besech your Lordships, to recommend unto your favourable regarde the desertes of such as have constantly endeuored by all their meanes, to approve their affeccions in loyall sort to Her Majesty: of whome fynding the Lord Barry to be most forward, as a nobleman willing enough to contynue in welldoinge, but that his pouertie is now such, chiefly growen through the spoyles which the traytor Tyrone did upon him, by wasting his landes, that he is not hable to keepe his men together as heretofore he hath don, either to attend Her Majesty's, army into the field with any company, or to preserve his countrey from any further spoyle; and onless he may be releeved with some enterteynement of chardge from Her Highness, he wilbe of less liability to do service; which wee humbly leave to your Lordships graue wisdome to consider of. In which like respect; wee are moved to become sutors to yor Lordships for Charles McCarthy sonne to Sir Cormock McTeige, who being of the best blodde, and allyaunce in this countrey, and in his owne person valliaunt, hath don, and is willing to do, acceptable service to Her Majesty, weare yt not that the like povertie doth dishable him. Of the ennemy (yf he wold have bin wonne away from his obedience) he had lardge offers, and is dayly much importuned to partake o with thein; but the yonge genttlemen, of his naturall inclynation to remayne a subiect, and hoping to be considered of with a company of foote of his owne countrey birth, will not harken to their perswasions; but yf the Lord Barry and he be left to themselves unprovided for, and not some way comforted with releefe from Her Majesty, wee dare not promise a perseveraunce in them; which wee likewise refer to your honourable censures. And so do humbly take our leave.

At Corke

Your Lordships most humbley ever to be commaunded,
GEORGE CAREWE. Thomond; Wm. Cork & Ross &c. Henry Cuffe. Richd. Walshe.

Carew to Cecil, Shandon Castle, 30 April 1600.

Sir,

This bearer Mr. Anias is retourned into England to furnishe himselfe with some necessaries which he wants. 66 I have conferred with him, and do like of his projects: he promises to retourne presentlye, which I beseeche you to expedite; and so referringe my lardge discourses; to the despatche which now I haue in hand do humblye reste

Your honnour's most bounden.
GEORGE CAREWE. Shandon Castle

Carew to Cecil, 2 May 1600. 67

Shandon.

Sir,

Although there is no man that more mislikes that companies should he bestowed upon Irishe Captens then myselfe, yett when I find it to be expedient for the Queen's service I am bound in dutie to signifie my opinion; and therefore to encouradge my Lord Barry, who is now in blood with the traytors, since his losses when Tyrone was in these parts, I thinke it were meet that a companye of foote were bestowed uppon him; he is exceedinge poor, and stronge in followers: When I came into the province he mett me betwene Yonghall and Corke with 500 foote, and 100 horse of his owne; he is mightelye discontented, and thinkes that the state neglects him, that he is nott in the Queen's pay; there is no doubt but he is able to do great service; but yf he be not relieved, allthough himsellfe will remayne a subiect, yett then he will underhand niggle with the enemye, and lett his men be loose amongst them, yf he do nott worse, whereof I have some doubt. In like manner Charles McCartie were fitt to be considered of, who is of a sturringe spirit, muche esteemed of in Mounster, exceedinge willinge to do service, vehementlye importuned by the traytors with lardge intysinge proffers to ioin with them, valliant in his person; and yf he would be a rebell, there is no doubt but he were able to carrye all the force of Muskrye with him, in despite of Cormock MacDermond his adversarye, which is 1000 men at the least: his discontentments are equall to Barries, and, Sir, believe me I feare his courses will be naught except he be pleased: he is able to do the Queen more service with a companye than three of the best Englislie Captens in Mounster; for the pay of one band he will evermore serve the Queen with treble the number, &c. &c.

Your Honnour (by the opinion of all the Counsil here) understands that the rebells be 7000 good able men; the Queen's forces but 3000 in list, whereof dead pays deducts about 700, so as upon the reckoninge I have but 2700; of the which allowinge sicke and hurt men, together with willful defallts of Captens, and those that by deathe will be wantinge, if I shall be 2400 by the pole stronge, I shall thinke myself happie; of the which number I must be enforced, when I draw into the felld, to leave at Yoghall 100, at Kinsale 100, at Killmallocke 156, at Mallo 100, at Dungarvan 50, at the Castell of Caer 30, besides in other pettye wards, which must not be lost, as Lisfinin, Strankallye, the Old head of Kinsale, Wallstowne, and other places, above 50 more, and of the whole number which should be turned over to me, which should be 3000 foote, I do want 80; beinge employed by my Lord Deputie in Leinster, who as yett I cannot gett to be removed from the places they are in; all which deductions being added together there is nott remayninge to go into the felld with me by the pole but 1740 foote; which is but a weake army to sustain the force of the traytors, except my strenght in horse did overtoppe them, wherein allso I do assure your honnour the troopes are weake, &c. &c. &c.

James Mc Thomas with all the forces that he can make are drawne to a head to impeache my goinge to Limericke, and have amassed as muche victualls as he can make to tarry my cominge, which he should not long expecte yf that ydeott Florence did not necessarilye holld me to attend his pleasure, whether he will turne subiect or persever traytor, as he now is; yf the man hadd faythe or honestie in him he woulld have bene with me ere this tyme, as by his lettre to mysellfe, which I receved in my cominge from Dublin, and his messadges, may appeare; and the lyke may be judged by other lettres written by him, the copies whereof with these I do send unto your honnour; but my hopes are dead, and I thinke he will never be honest; att his owne request I have sent John Fits Edmonds twice unto him, not six myles from this towne; but his retornes are nothinge butt oathes, and protestations of loyalttie, and thatt he loves honnours and respects me as muche as any man lyvinge; and yt he will come unto me, but his feares do so muche prevayle in him, as he dares not for feare of detention trust me; to assure him, tomorrow, at his request, my Lord of Tomond clothe parlye with him, with whome he promises to come unto me, whereof I am doubtfull, expecting but delayes; for to say my opinion directlye as I thinke, I do beleeve that before he lefte England these treasons were hatched! which yf they were, then is he past recoverye; but yf it be no more then he pretends, which is parlyinge and patchinge with Tyrone to save his countrye from spoyle, and fighting against Her Majestie's forces betwene Kinsale and Corke, there is no doubt but he will be reduced.

The maner of that fight I have at lardge discoursed in Sir Wallter Raleghe's letre, which I have sent unsealed unto you; the enemye lost 98, and we but 8 persons: yet notwithstandinge I am exceedinge sorrye that Sir Henry Poore did command the jorney, for now he cann alleadge nothinge else to cause him to feare to come att me but because he was in the filld with his collors flyinge against Her Majesties forces.

Florence himsellfe is in nature a coward, and as muche addicted to his ease as any man lyvinge, and therefore unmeet to be a rebell, which makes me glad, yt he is the chiefe commander of Carbrye and Desmond forces, for yf he were gone his wyfe's bastard brother would be farre worse then he. He hathe required my oathe that he may come, and go safe from me, which my Lord of Tomond, in my behallfe, will sweare unto him; when he required John Fits Edmonds to aske the same of me I do thinke att that tyme he did purpose to see me; but his feares do so abound as I have no hope of his cominge. Yf by no meanes he may be assured to the state, yett I thinke itt nott amysse to temporise with him, and to permitt him to be newtrall which I suppose he chieflye desires; beinge att all tymes readye to ioin with Spaniards, yf they come, or to retourne to be a subiect yf the rebells prevayle nott; by this temporizinge course, I shall spare 1000 men of my 3000, towards the prosecution of James McThomas, for lesse than 1500 is to little to prosecute Florence; to undertake bothe together I cannott; and therefore, unlesse I be otherwise commanded out of England, I will temporize with Florence, and prosecute the other, whose kingdome I hope, in a reasonable tyme, will be dissolved. Florence since my cominge into this province did never write unto me, which makes me to mistrust him the more.

The white knight hathe sent sundrye messendgers unto me promisinge to be an honest man: A more faythlesse man never lyved upon the earthe, &c. &c. If anythinge do move him to keepe his promise, and to come unto me, it is the internall malice between James McThomas and him, which is irreconciliable, &c. The Bushopp of Cashell is busilye workinge. Within a few days that stratagem will either take effect or fayle; but I have two more as good or better then that; I hope att last, yf the divell be not his good Master, but one will hitt, &c. &c.

GEORGE CAREWE.

Letter from Sir George Carew, Shandon, 6 May 1600.

Sir,

When I despatched all my lettres, and the lettre from me and the Counsell here unto the Lords, bearinge date the last of Aprill, I reserved the writinge of my lettre unto your Honnour untill the wynd served to embarque, which bare date the 2nd of May, since which tyme the wind nott serving. In these I thought good to relate unto whatt hath passed betwene Florence McCartie and me. In the former lettre of the 2nd of May I wrote that Florence McCartie desired me to send my Lord of Tomond to speake with him, which att my request his Lord was contented to do, the same morninge Florence wrote a lettre to me which I immediattlye answered. The copies of them, with these I send unto your honnour. After the Erle and he mett, and more then two hours spent uppon the oathes of him and Sir Nicolas Wellshe, thatt I had promised to permitt him to retourne safe, he came to my house, and as sone as he came unto me, kneelinge he humbled hymsellfe with many protestations of the sinceritie of his hart, and the treu loyalltie which he bare toward Her Majestie, desiringe me to receve him unto Her Majestie's favour, and thatt he woulld do her more service then any man in Mounster. After I had reproved him for his trayterous behaviours, and layd before him the fowlnesse of his faullt, and the monstrous ingratitude towards Her Majestie from whom he had receved so many great favours and benefitts, all which he coulld not deny, I tooke him by the hand, and ledd him aside, preachinge obedience unto him, and usinge all the arguments I colld to reduce him to conformitie; the Erle of Tomond, Sir Nicolas Wellshe, and John FitzEdmond, did the lyke; and unto us, in generall termes, he seemed as reasonable and dutifull as we coulld desire: the same night he supt with me, and the Erle of Tomond conducted him to his lodginge; for so fearefull a creature I did never see, mistrustinge to be killed by every man he saw.

The next day, which was the 4th of this present, he dyned with me: after dyuner the Erle of Tomond, Sir Nycolas Wellshe, the Byshoppe of Corke, Mr. Cuffe, John FitzEdmonds, and my sellfe called him before us; and, as at his first cominge, I layd his faulltes before him, challendged performance of his promises, which was not onely to desist from doinge yll, but to do some suche service as might meritt reward, which was expected att his handes, beinge so muche bound unto Her Majestie as he was; and because thatt my sellfe might nott be thought to deal slacklye for the queene, and partiallye, I did require from him his eldest sonne for a pledge of his good behaviour, and assurance of the services which he pretended to do, which he refused; alleadginge many reasons to the contrarye, pretendinge thatt the puttinge in of his sonne in pledge woulld cause the bonies to forsake him, and to erect his wyfe's base brother, and so dryve him out of his countrye to his utter ruyne; that he had of longe tyme tasted of myseries and wants, thatt he had recovered his countrye of Desmond with greatt travayle, danger, and chardges; thatt when he shoulld be a begger he knewe the queene woulld not regard him, and then he shoulld be unable to serve her, and therefore desired thatt his pledge might nott be exacted, beinge needlesse to be required att his hands, for thatt he was in his soule addicted to serve Her Majestie by all the meanes he might; whereunto all the reasons thatt we coulld make was used to incite him to delyver his pledge; when reasons coulld nott prevayle, frendly persuasions for his good was delyvered unto him; and att last, when nothinge coulld move him, I the president (wherein the Erle of Tomond was also very vehement) threatened him with sharpe prosecution, protestinge to neglect all other services, untill his countrye were spoyled, and him sellfe banished; which did muche amase him; and then he sayd he was content to put his sonne pledge for him, uppon condition, that Her Majestie woulld be pleased to passe the countrye of Desmond unto him as she had done unto his father in law, to give him the name of McCartie More, or Erle of Clancare, and to give him 300 men in wadges! which exorbitant demands was so muche misliked by us all, as we bad him be gone, beinge weary to heare a man so farre out of reason; and immediatelye we brake of, and the counsell departed, leavinge the Earle of Tomond, Florence and my sellfe in the chamber.

After long speeche debatinge the matter very seriouslye, he swore that the onlye cause why he was loathe to delyver his sonne, was as he before alleadged, the present losse of his countrye, which he knew woulld be taken out of his possession, yf he were reconciled to the state, and not want of dutie to Her Majestie; thatt he woulld write by this dispatche into England unto your Honnour, humblye to pray you to be a meane for the passinge of Desmond unto him, with the title of Mc Cartie More, or Erle; as for a chardge he woulld not require itt before he did deserve the same, by some service that might merritt so great a favour; which yf he might obtayne, he woulld nott doubt but in a shorte tyme to be the best instrument for the finishinge of the warre in Mounster; I tolld him his courses were nought; and thatt I woulld nott give him any assistance in the same, being more meet for him to entreat mercye for his offences, then to be so insolent in demandinge of reward; and did beat downe his pride (which is incredible) as muche as I coulld; in the end I demaunded of him whatt his purposes were yf he did nott prevayle in his desires? he sware unto me, uppon a booke, thatt he woulld never beare armes agaynst Her Majesties forces, except he were assallted in Desmond! and thatt all his followers shoulld likewyse abstayne from actuall rebellion; but his bonies were more att the commandment of Dermond O'Connor than of himsellfe, and therefore whensoever Dermond woulld send for them he coulld not restrayne them; he likewyse did swere unto me thatt whensover I did send for him, uppon my word, thatt he woulld come unto me; and in the meane tyme he woulld evermore send me intellygence of the rebells' proceedings, and do me the best underhand service he coulld, and for testimonye of his obedience, he would att any tyme when your Honnour pleasethe to send for him (uppon your faythfull promyse thatt he shall nott be a prisoner, for he sayethe thatt he will rather ruine any fortune then to be detayned), go into England, to make knowne unto you his sincere meaninge.

This is all yt passed between us; and more then to be a neutrall he would nott promise! or could be exacted from him! Of his goinge into England I woulld be glad that your Honnour would make tryall; which I do nott beleeve that he will performe, for the which he sware uppon a Pius Quintus, for uppon no other booke the Erle woulld believe him. He protests thatt for his particular he dothe nott expect the ayde of Spaniards, althoughe Tyrone in a lettre very latelye did assure him thatt they woulld be here presentlye; he confessethe thatt he knowes thatt att the last the Queene must, and will prevayle in Ireland; but yett he had rather dye then to be a beggar agayne, to feele the wants he hathe done, which he is sure to do yf he be reconcyled; but these excuses are but devices to draw the queene to yelld to his demands; thinkinge thatt the tyme serves, for rebels to obtayne whattsoever they aske; but herein I hope his pollycye shall fayle him; for I have as muche from him as I desire, which is to have no cause to employe any part of Her Majesties forces against him; for by his oathe he is bound nott to serve agaynst us, or annoy any of Her Majestie's good subiects; but to lyve pryvatlye, in Desmond, and to keepe his countrye, which if he performe I shall be att the bettre leasure to prosecute James Mc Thomas; and when thatt worke is fynished, a few dayes will serve to humble Florence, and teache him submissive entreaties, and forgett to capitulatt ether for land, titles, or chardge. I never rackt my witts more to beat reason into a man's head then I did to him; but pride dothe so muche possesse him in beinge called McCartimore, that his understandinge is lost, and not capable of any reasons but his owne.

John Fits Edmonds is his godfather, and when he saw his foolishe obstinacye, beleevinge before thatt his credditt had bene able to have prevayled with him, in a great furye after many revylinges, cursed him to his face; in reasoning, persuadinge, and threateninge, a whole afternoone was spent; all the benefitts thatt the Queene hathe formerlye bestowed uppon him are meerlye lost; for the remembrance of his imprisonments onely remaynethe; whatt he will prove I knowe nott, beinge exceedinge doubtfull of him, thatt att the last he will brake his faythe; nothinge gives me hope that he will be neutrall but his extreeme cowardysse, and the small accompt which he makes of the Romishe priestes, raylinge att them openlye in the hearinge of all men. Yf this temporisinge course, which for a tyme I thinke good to be helld with him, be misliked, then I pray your Honnour to lett me understand itt; thatt I may beginne the warre uppon him; but as the world yett framethe, in my opinion, itt is good counsell to lett him holld a neutrall course, which att the last, will confound him, althoughe your purposes be to deny his petitions, yett for awhile itt were nott amysse (as I thinke) to holld him in some colld hope to Wynne tyme uppon him; and to drawe the same to more lenght, itt were good counsell for your Honnour to send for him into England; and in his absence I doubt not but to erect his wyve's base brother, who before his retourne will be stronge yenoughe to yoke him; but before I deale therein, I do pray to be advised from you least I may offend; yf the Queene be so gratious unto him as to graunt him his desires, surelye I thinke for the present, he will requite her favours with his best services; but itt will in after tymes make him to great, for he is heyre to Carbrye, which is a greater countrye then Desmond; and his foolishe ambition is boundlesse.

When I was thus farre proceeded in my lettre I stayed fynishinge of the same, expectinge these lettres of Florence's unto yoursellfe, Sir Walter Raleghe, and Sir John Stanhoppe; but he havinge not drunke wyne in many dayes before, to put care awaye, so filled his skynne with sacke as the whole daye was loste in sleepe; this day better remembring himsellfe he brought me these three letters unsealed, and gave them unto me to read; which varyes nothinge from his former lettres to me and others; but I do nott geve credditt unto them, or to any thinge he sayes; for my intelligences assures me thatt underhand he combynes with the rebells as firmely as he may; and yett his oathes are to the contrarye. The report of the fight betwene Her Majesties forces and him is fallse; lett your Honnour beleeve whatt I have wrotten to Sir Walter Raleghe, which is a true narration of thatt daye's service, testified under a discreet Irishemans hand, who did view the bodies. This day I find him more tractable then before, gevinge me some good hope thatt he will delyver his sonne, presentlye, pleadge into my handes; but such is his inconsistancie as I dare nott trust him, for his feares on ether side do so besiedge him as he cannot well resollve whether it were good for him to be a subiect or a rebell; and to say my opinion of him he is good for nether of them bothe. Yf I were assured thatt he woulld keepe his promise with me, and do me underhand service as he protests, I coulld then be more gladd of his wallkinge in the woodes then in the citye of Corke; but cowards are faythlesse and so I think I shall find him. But howsoever he deale with me I doubt not but to make some advantadge of him, and fight with him att his owne weapon, so as he shall nott overreache me. The White Knight hathe sent this day a messendger unto me with faythfull promise to submit himsellfe, so as he may be pardoned for his lyfe, and goodes restored in blood, have his lands by a new graunt from Her Majestie, and forgeven the arrearadge of his rents due uppon him since the rebellion; all which, because they are nott unreasonable demands, and suche as are nether unprofitable, or dishonourable to the Queene, and suche as I am sure att the last, when he hathe done more harme, Her Majesty will graunt unto him, I will be so adventurous as to promise them unto him, hopeinge that the queene will nott mislyke itt. The stay of Florence from aydinge James Mc Thomas, and the drawinge in of the White Knight, dothe in a manner free the countye of Corke; then my taske lyes onelye in Lymericke and Kerrye, in which counties, I doubt nott but to rayse uppe factions agaynstt Desmond and his brother, which willgeve a fayre hope towards the fynishinge of this warre. This bearer Capten Browne, Sonne to Sir Valentyne, and a cashiered capten, I may nott forget to recomend unto your Honnour's good favour, besechinge you to give him your ayde and assistance, yf he shall have cause to be a suter for the same. He is an honest man, very valiant, and thatt which I like best, one that loves me. So humblye rest at your Honuours service.

Your Honnours most humblye to serve you,
GEORGE CAREWE. Shanden

Ps

Lett my censuringe of Florence, I beseche your honnour be kept as secretlye as you may, for otherwise my credditt will be crackt with him; for nowe he trusts muche in my frendship, which I did unfaynedlye afford him before I sawe his follye.

The Lord President of Munster to my Master.


[Enclosed with the above:] Copy of letter from Florence MacCarthy to Carew, 3 May 1600.

From Florence Mc Carthy unto me.

Household.

To the Right Honourable his very approved friend SIR GEORGE CAREWE, Knight, Lord President of Munster give these with all speed.

It may please yor Lordship, at the Erle of Tyrone's beinge here I did assuredly beleve that the best service that I could performe, and the best course that I could take for Her Majesty, was to confer with him, consideringe the present state that I stood in, first I had a warrant which I have here now extant, to conferr with any rebell and to entertayne any rebells, which, with one barrell of powder, was all the helpe and meanes that I got of those that commanded Mounster for Her Majesty, and all the charges that Her Highnes was at for the recovery of the countrey of Desmond from the rebells, well I recovered with great paynes and chardges, with the helpe of other rebells, who were more faythfull to the Erle of Tyrone then to my self, who if I had not come to Tyrone would have lefte me to my enemies, to be used at ther will, or ledd me prysoner to Tyrone, if I had not runne away to some towne wher I had no means to lyve, or repayred into England, ther to tell a foolyshe cowardly tale, which is, that I durst not for feare of the rebells that helde my country, go in sight thereof, and to put Her Majesty to more chardges to small profit, whereof I knewe her to be wearie before. Therfore I assure your Lordship that if I had not come to conferr with Tyrone, he had with his force, in persone, spoyled, preyed and burned all Carbrie, and starved and killed all the people there, and had sent Redmond Bourke, and Dermod O'Conor with all the Connaght people and bonies in Munster, and thereabouts, to dispossesse me of Desmond, and to settle Donell McCarthy there; destroyinge, prayeinge and burninge both the O'Sulyuanes, and all my frends there; all which was the cause of my goinge to conferr with Tyrone, who, as Mr. John Fitz Edmonds, and all Munster doth knowe, could presently worke all these mischeffs against me, if I had not come to conferr with him; which course, consyderinge myself to be sure of my owne faythfulnes to Her Majesty, I tooke the best for Her Highnes, and for myself; for yf I had taken banishment, and lost my country, people, and frends, I should but ether charge Her Majesty to maintayne myself, or ells lyve and dye miserably, without meanes to helpe myself; wheras by mainteyninge myself in the possession of my country, I doubt not but to do Her Majesty, and your Lordship, more service then any other in these partes of Mounster; which, besydes that I am bound to do for Her Majesty all that is in me, I protest, I am for your owne sake, and Mr. Secretary, and Sir Walter's sakes (for whose pleasures I would not, so God helpe me, refuse to do any thinge that any of them commaunded) willinge to do yor Lordship any service I maye.

In regard whereof I am moved to open unto your Lordship my present estate, humbly besechinge your Lordship to consider duely therof, and to graunt my request, which is reasonable, and benefyciall for Her Majestye's service, and my mainteyninge in the possession of my country; for at this present tyme ther are 300 of O'Neiles bonies, as they terme themselves, in Carbrie, and as many in Desmond; 200 in Muskery, and 150 in Dowalla; and now within these 4 or 5 dayes, James Mc Thomas of Desmond wrote to Dermod O'Conor for 500 or 600 to be entertayned by him; whereof Dermod brought him now the most parte, and will now presently get him the rest; all which bonies, with the saide Dermod O'Conor, will laye hands upon all my people and followers, and dispossesse me of my country of Desmond, which is a remote, stronge, inaccessable country, farr from the helpe of Her Majesties forces, and incomodious for them to serve in; and the said Dermod O'Conor, and all those bonies, will presently acknowledg Donell McCarthy, and take his parte, and they, together with the Geraldines, and Redmond Bourke, who hath as many bonies as Dermod O'Conor or more, will altogether banish me, and maintayne Donell Mc Carthy, or Dermod Mc Owen, in the possession of my country, if now upon the sodayne I had gone to your Lordship; and these bonies that are with me will straight goe to Donell, thinkinge that I have abandoned and betrayed them; whereby my state will hardly with great tyme, and charges be recovered.

My humble request therefore unto your Lordship is to accept me as a subjecte, and to respytt me for some such tyme as you shall thinke meete, wherby I may be as farr out of ther danger as I may; and they may not he able to dispossesse me so sodaynely as they may do nowe; as also that I maye wryte into England, to Mr Secretary, Sir Walter, and Sir John Stanhope, whose lettre I sent your Lordship to peruse, and which I must answere; and besechinge your Lordship to sende me his letter agayne. In which lettres I must acquaint them with the spoyles, and burninges, and kyllings of my people exercysed by Flowor, and Bostoke, against me, wherunto they were hyred by myne adversaries; And if it please your Lordship to do me this favour, I wilbe sworne to my Lord of Thomond, and to Mr. Justice Welshe, and Mr. John Fitz Edmonds, or to any of them, to come to your Lordship, and to do anythinge that they and your Lordship will command me: And so referringe unto your Lordship the consideracion of my presente estate, and inward intencion, which, God let me not lyve yf I have not without dissimulation opened to your Lordship I humbly take leave, this 3rd of May, 1600.

Your Lordship's moste humble to comaund to his power.
ffloR. Mc CARTHY.

Florence MacCarthy to Cecil, Cork, 6 May 1600.

[T]o the Right Honourable his most approved friend Sir Robert Cecil, Knight. &c. &.

It may please yor Honorr, Before I was entangled in the warres of Desmond I wrote one letter unto your Honour; but since I went thyther I never had so much time, leasure or meanes, as to write, untill I drew Donell Mc Cartie, and his 700 Connaght buonies out of that countrey, although he was baked, assisted and favoured by all the rebels of Mounster, unto whom th Erle of Tireowen wrote dayely, aleadging that I, with English policie went about to recover that countrey, which was the bak and strength of all Mounster, with the which I wold undo all the rebells there; yet notwithstanding all their endevours I scattered asonder, and drew out of the countrey, the sayd Donell and all his buonies, and acomplices, and was no soner retourned unto the countrey, but within ij dayes I receved Tireowen's letter, signifieing that he was com into Mounster, and intreating me earnestly to come to him presently; and writeing also to Carbrie O'Conor and the rest of the captaines of my buonies or souldiers, and to all th other captaines of his adherents in those parts, that, uppon paine of death (yf I came not to him presently,) they shold all forsake me, and bring me a prisoner unto him, yf they could; which (I protest) I am perswaded they had don yf it had not bene for Carbrie O'Conor's frendshipp towards, me; but yet for all that he could do, the captaines and souldiers, uppon knowledge of Tireowen's commandment, grew into an uprore, mutinge against me, and alleadging me to be an infidell, and a betrayer of themselfes, and all the rest of Ireland to Englishmen; wheruppon they all departed in a vengible, furious, humour, leaving myself, and both the O'Swlivans, and all the rest of the gent of the countrey there, alone to the mercie of Donell Mc Carthy and his buonies, yf they had the witt or valour to retourne; or to the mercie of any other men of warr whatsoever.

Which when I saw, and that there was no other meanes of saeftie, I followed them; and by swering that I wold then write presently to Tireowen, and (uppon sufficient assurance for myselfe returninge), that I wold go speake to him whensoever he came into the comitatus of Cork, I pacified them, and thereuppon wrote to Tireowen; and within three days after, Dermod O'Conor, a great commander of Connaught buonies, came with vj or vii hundred footmen into the edge of my countrey, and sent unto me eyther to com speake with him, or els that he wold com into the countrey to speake with me; which moved me to ride unto him, from whom I could hardly departe, or escape, by swering that I wolde folow him to Tireowen; whom in the end I folowed very slowly, for I made Tireowen stay a fortnight in the comitatus of Cork for me before I came to him, which afterwards made him say still that I ouely spoyled his jorney, and starved his people: before I came to Tireowen I had his protection, and got himself, and all the captaines and genttlemen with him, swerne to send me, and such as came with me salfe bak againe; which protection I do send here inclosed: at the first ij dayes, both he, and James Mc Thomas of Desmond, whom they call Earle of Desmond, with bishopp Mc Cragh, and Archer, were all very earnestly in hand with me to enter into their acton of rebellion with them; whom, I protest, I utterly refused; for I renounce God if ever, at any times, I promest him to do anything against Her Majestie, or the State of England and Ireland, but that I wold euer continue for Her Majestie, as I have allwayes don: which when they saw, then Bishopp Mc Cragh curssed me, and they all concluded to take my countrey of Desmond from me, and to settle Donell Mc Carthy there, and presently to distroy all the countrey of Carbrie.

To which purpose they removed the next morninge toward Carbrie, and stayd that night uppon the river of Kinsale, where I made meanes to all Tireowen's gentlemen, and people, to intreat for me unto him; whose fauour they obtained in som sorte, so as I might satisfie him for Donell McCarthy, whom (as himself told me) he created McCarthy More by his meanes; whereby it stoode him uppon in honour to maintain his right, and that I shold nedes geue him thaward of the said Tireowen himself, and Bishopp McCragh, which I utterly refused; for euer when I shold speak for myself before them the sayd bastardly rascall Donell McCarthy, came and abused me with vilanous words, calling me allwayes a trecherous deceitfull Englishman, wherein Oneyll did still beare with him, and doth still fauour him, and write unto him by the name of McCarthy, which made me refuse him as an arbitrated; whereuppon he asked me to whose arbitrement I wold stand with the said Donell for the Signorie of Desmond? I told him that I wolde stand to thaward of both the Oswlivans, and all the rest of the genttlemen, freeholders, and folowers of that countrey, who ever elected him, that was McCarthy, or lord of that countrey; of which arbitremet he wold have the umpireship to be to himself, and to Bishopp McCragh, or to one of them both; which I also refused; at last wee agreed that the Oswllivans, and the gentlemen of the countrey shold agree the matter, and that Bishopp McCragh, as one of the arbitrators, shold be joined with them, and that the sayd bishopp shold go into Desmond by May-day, and agree the matter, he and the Oswlivans, and gentlemen of the countrey; and to the end they shold be sure of my performance when Tireown were gon, they wold have my son as an ostadge; whom I promest; but because my pro-mese wold not serv, they wold nedes haue the best ostadges that I had, untill I brought my son; whereuppon I gave them my brother, with whom they wold neds haue a genttleman of good estimacion of my name, that was with me; which I was also constrained to deliuer; and therewithall retourned their forces from Carbrie, and consulted together how to take Kinsale; which when I understood, I wrote to Capten Bostok that was there, and to the townesmen, to stand well uppon their kepinge, and afterwards went to Tireowen, and tolde him that it was a most foolish oppinion of them that persuaded him to attempt anything against the towne of Kinsale, which himself, and all the Ireish forces in Ireland, could neyther force, nor surprise; whereuppon he removed, and went towards Kinsale, to view the towne.

I was with him still; and all the Mounster men that were there persuaded him earnestly to assault the towne, which in deade was reasonable weake, yet I prevayled against all their wills, and got him to go towards Cork; and next day he went a very great jorney, and the day after; and complained of me that I deceved him, and delivered him not my son, but my, brother, who ever tooke his parte; and therewithall enlarged my brother, and commanded my genttlemen to be kept fast by Dermod O'Conor. Dureing my being with him I dealth for Her Majestie with the best genttlemen of Mounster that were there; among whom I won the White Knight, and the Knight of Kierry, and Mr McDonogh, the White Knight's son-in-law, and O'Conor Kierry, who were all contented, at my request and entreatie, to becom Her Majesty's subiects; but the same night that I departed, O'Conor Kierries horsses being tired stayd him behind; but Mr McDonogh, with the White Knight, and the Knight of Kierry, were all aprehended, and caried away: at my departure he understood of my lord of Ormond's being afore him, which made him desire me to go further with him, which I refused; having told him that I wold carie no armes against Her Majestie, nor feight against my lord of Ormond for any other of Ireland, but wold feight with any other of Ireland for him; he desired me then to send ij hundred buonies, which accompanied me, with him; I told him yf he could send unto them, (for they were coming after me,) and persuade them to com with him, I wold geve them leave; but when his messenger came with me, I perswaded the souldiers secretly to retourne with myself; assureing them that they shold have nothing with Tireowen but blows, hunger, and travayle; which made them refuse to go to him.

And so I retourned, and presently I understood that I was taken at Cork, and everywhere els, for a rebell! which made me afeaid to go in, lest I shold be restrained; whereuppon I wrote to Sir Henry Power, unto whom I made knowen the necessities that constrained me to com speake to Tireowen; for God let me not live an howre, yf I had not com to him he wolde, and might as easiely as I can write one line, by comaunding my buonies to bring me unto him, and by comaunding Dermod O'Conor, and Redmond Bourk, or any of them, with his regiment of a thousand or twelf or fourtene hundred foote men, to go with Donell McCarthy and establish him in my countrey; which, as God judge me, they might, and wold do presently, and wold burne, kill, and spoyll, all my frends and folowers there; and yf I rann away from ther buonies myself, I had no other meanes to live but to starv in som towne, or to repair into England to put Her Majestie to more charges; wherof I knew her to be wearie alreadie; which moved me to elect the best course that I could take for Her Majestie, for I knew yf I had not com to Tireowen I shold lose the countrey of Desmond, which, with great paines, charges, and dangers I recovered, without any charges of Her Majestie; and which wold go nere to maintaine the rebellion of Mounster for ever; whereas, by kepeing myself in possession thereof, and speaking not one woord against the rebells, and buonies of Mounster, I shalbe able, whensoever yt shall please Her Majestie to set me to work, to do Her Highnes more service then any three in these parts of Ireland; which the councill of Mounster wolde not, nor could not, understand! for all that I could write to Sir Henry Power could do me no good.

Which moved me, within a weeke after my retourning, to com speake to Sir Henry Power; and within a mile or two of Cork, I came alone from my people, and conferred with him, and with Sir Charles Willmott, and the Marshall Sir George Torinton; unto whom I told that I wrote to the Lord Deputie, and to the Lord President, and wold go to Dubling yf I were so directed by them; whereuppon they sayd they wold expect their Lordships resolucion, and that my people shold take no hurt in the mean time, so as they they did not anoy none of Her Majesty's subiects; and yf I undertook for the whole countrey of Carbrie, that they shold take no hurt by them, which I refused to do before I had conferred with the countrey, because som of them were in action, and others that were none of my people; wheruppon I departed, and willed som of my people, that duelt hard by Kinsale, to draw home their cattaylls, and go duell in their houses; whereuppon Bostok first went to a castell of myne called Downe McPatrik, and finding there but two or three, went in and kept the place to himself, and all the goods and cattaylls there; and retourning to Corck, himself and Capten Flowre were sent, with Her Majestie's forces, into Carbrie, where they did nothing but burne two castells of myne, and kill as manie men, women, and children as they found in them, and burned as manie villadges, houses, and corne, as appertained to any of my people; takinge away all their cattayll, and so overrunn the countrey to Ross-Carbrie, and over the Leap.

At which time I was uppon my way into Desmond, having before dismissed ij or three companies of footmen before me thyther; and having stayd with me but one hundred footmen, I retourned, and met one hundred more of that countrey, which two hundred I sent to geve Flowre and Bostok som impediment, and divert them from going any further into the countrey; which when they understood of my being there, they retourned in haste to Ross, havinge not the witt, nor the conduct, to kepe the higheway; although the forces that they had, consisted of one thousand men, with two troopes of horsemen: Uppon the reporte of these forces going from Cork to spoyle Carbrie, Dermod O'Conor, who understood thereof, and had Tireowen's warrant to take som part of his pay, or buonaght, of that countrey, came thyther, with vj or vij hundred men, and encamped himself ij or iij miles east of Ross, in their way to Cork and Kinsale; he sent me divers letters, and messengers, to desire me to com and take charge of all the forces, and to revenge the wronges and losses which I received at the hands of Flowre and Bostok; which I refused still to do, and wrote unto him that I wold seeke my revenge otherwise; whereuppon he removed, and toke his way directly towards Desmond, protesting, in a great rage, that he wold, with all the buonies in Mounster, spoyle Desmond, and disposses me thereof for Donell McCarthy; with which hard messadge he dispatched my brother, with som of that countrey gentlemen unto me, and sent som of his owne people with them.

Which moved me presently that night to ride to him; whereuppon he retourned towards Ross, where he was before; where wee stayd a senenight; the Captaines remaining still at Ross, and coming foorth dayly, as yf they were marching away; at last I desired to speak with Sir Henry Power's liutenant, to know whether those forces were aucthorished, or appointed by the Councell to burne, and spoyll those lands of myne? or whether they did it of their owne heads? for I imagined because McCarthy Reogh gave Flowre a couple of horss, and another to Bostok, and that I understood that Flowre receeved som reward of my Lord Barry, that they were hiered to annoy me; which I understood afterwards to be so: the liueteuant told me he knew nothing of the matter; and so went away. The next morninge, betimes, the captaines drew out their forces, and marched, in all haste, towards Kinsale; at which time, all the buonies almost were gon for victualls, whereby there was not above four hundred there together, who took armes, and folowed them in their tayle, untill the passadge, or fery of Kinsale, and then retourned iiij or v miles bakward, where they met the rest of their people; and then they accused me, alleadging that my parley with thEnglish liutenant the day before, sent away the Captens salfe; whereof, I protest unto your Honour, I was innocent; for God is my judge, my mynd concerninge those forces, unto whom, the Queenes Majestie gave pay, was that yf they all were at my disposicon, I wold send all the horssmen, and footemen, with their furniture and coolors, salfe to Cork; and wold hang Flowre and Bostok!

Yet was I, by my souldiers, wrongfully accused and exclaimed uppon by every body of them, which moved me to rayle at them all, accuseing them uniustly of cowardlyness, and disobedience, and protesting that presently I wold bring them to feight with those captens; and with that, dismissed them to go to supper, and to arm: presently after supper, which being don, I traveyled that night over the river of Kinsale, and so through the countrey, untill I came uppon the way betwen Cork and Kinsale, where those Captaines came; at whose sight, they ran, in order, very desperatly uppon them, and overthrew them; their horssmen stood still betwene both, and were sore distressed by the Ireish shott; untill they forsook the place, and then they ran uppon their battayle of footmen, and made them runn away, out of order, killing a number of them, untill they came to a little castell, where, uppon a trench that was thereby, they discharged their shott at the Ireishmen, which did somwhat annoy them; and, supposeing som strength or impediment to be in that trench tourned bak; all the credit that I had being unable to make them retourne; and striving to constrain them I was myself shott in the arme, which made me retire with them; none folowing but vij or viij horssmen, which did them litle hurt, but retourned shortly; the Ireishmen being stayd uppon the hill where they begun the feight.

Of the Ireishmen there were xvij kild; whereof four were captens, and xv wounded; of the capten's side I am not certen what number were kild; for I told them not; but I saw above one hundred bodies of all sorts, besids such as died by the way, and at Cork afterwards. Within three or four dayes after, the Lord President Sir George Carew, and the Earle of Thomond came to Cork; at which time I was gon after Dermod O'Conor, to have the genttlemen, that Tireowen held as an hostadge untill May, for the performeing of the arbitrement with Donell McCarthy; which gentleman was delivered me by Dermod O'Conor, at May-day; from whom I departed presently to the Lord President and thEarle of Thomond; and uppon their words I came to them to Corck, which I beleve wilbe myne undoing! for I feare me all the buonies, rebells and Ireish forces wilbe uppon my bak; for my being here will persuade them that I am their enemie. My Lord President wolld have me deliver my son as an hostadge; which yf I had don, I shold not dare go out of this towne; for my chefe strength being my buonies, they wold be the first that wold lay hands uppon me; neyther have I any of myne owne men armed able to withstand them; besids that, without doubt, all the buonies, and rebells of Mounster wold runn uppon me, and kill, spoyle, and distroy all my people, and countrey, and send me a prisoner to Tireowen; or yf I escaped their hands, I shold [be] constrained to starv, or live like a begger in this towne, where Flowre or Bostok, or any of these universal Captens, or damned drunken felowes, for a nagg of my Lord Barrie's, or McCarthyes, wold knock me in the head, or murther me.

Which makes me that I cannott lose my countrey wilfully; for by God, yf I do refuse, my buonies—(I) having no meanes, nor charge of Her Majestie, to arme, and maintayne myne owne people,—all the buonies of Mounster, with the rebells, will set uppon me, and establish Donell McCarthy in my place; a thing that neyther myself, nor all Her Majesty's forces in Mounster, cannott defend; because the rebells are so great in number all aboutt my countrey; having hole countreys of rebells betwene me and every towne and garison; therefore I humblie besech your Honour to be a mean unto Her Majestie that I may obtaine my countrey of Desmond, of Her Highnes, in as ample a manner as my father-in-law, and ancestors, enioyed the same, and that it will please her Highnes, with som sufficient charge to enhable me to defend myself, and serv Her Highnes against all the rebells of Ireland, as forwardly, and as faythfully, as any other, and yf your Honour do not presently find my service to be more avayleable then any others in these parts, and heare all the rebells of Mounster or Ireland exclaime and complaine of me, I am contented to lose my liveing, charge, and creditt with your Honour! I told my Lord President that so sone as I had your Honours resolucion hereof, he shold have my son, and any ostadges he pleased; in the mean time I will the best I can, prepare myself, and my people, to be out of the danger of the buonies, and rebells, and take such order, as the Lord President shall understand any practice of theirs against, and shalbe advertised of anything that may advaunce, Her Majesty's service in these parts; but, I feare me most of all things, that because of my coming hyther now, all the bonies and rebells will sett uppon me, and drive me away, and that the foolish malicious Captens here will not suffer me to do Her Majestie service; for, as I understand, they wold now here go about to kill me, but for feare of the Lord President; and yf I be once driven out of Desmond, it will ever hardly be recovered; for it is so wild, strong, and unaccessable, all, almost, consisting of woods, steepe mountaines, bogges, lakes, and rivers, as no English forces are able to sustaine the paines of service there; yf through any former imputacion by myne adversaries, sent against me, for my parley with Tireowen, or renued now, any body there will suspect me, or beleve not what I write, I will uppon your Honours letter, and uppon yor fayth that I shall have no hurt, nor stay, repair unto you myself, to affirme what I write; therefore let your Honour rest assured that whatsoever yourself, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Sir John Stanop doth say, I will beleve it; and whatsoever you will have me do I will do it; so as I may live in good sorte, out of restraint. And so referring my whole state to your Honours pleasure, and disposicion; for whatsoever you say or promise I will beleve it, sooner, as God judge me, then the Pope's Holines. I humblie take leave, Cork, this 6th of May, 1600.

Your Honours most humble and bonden ever to be commaunded,
fflOR. MCCARTHY.

Florence MacCarthy to Carew, 14 May 1600.

It may please your Honorable Lordship. At my departinge from you (God is my Judge) myne intention and full purpose was, and is styll, (yf your vaine wicked foolishe Capteins do suffer me) to quytt myself of the Connagh Buonies, and of all these wicked roagues, and rebells, with so much speede as I may for my lyf; I mean those that I entertayne, who as sone as I have dischardged myself of them, yf I do not by service utterly overthrowe them, or dryve them out of all Munster, let me lose all my frends, and credyte with Her Majesty, and with all honest men! in the meane tyme I will not fayle to praye and spoyle the reste of them, and to kyll as many of them, especially of the O'Mayllies, (who with three foystes 68 are now in my country,) as I can; therefore seeinge they ar ther, hasten Sir Fynen O'Driscoll's Sonne to me; and wryte unto me by Capten Harvey; for I will not trust him, nor nobodye in this adge and country, but such as I will trust upon your Lordship's word, and fayth; whether he be subiect or rebell; and without trustinge him I can hardly succour him, nor do the Queen's sacred Majesty any service by his helpe or meanes!

It may be some of my mallitious adversaries may alledge many matters against me, which may happly be furthered by some odd councillor or other, as was done before your Lordship came, by such as doeth not know, nor understand my intention, or what may best avayle her Majestie, and further Her Highnes' service. My humble sute therfore unto your Lordship, (unto whome I have made knowne all my mynde and intention,) is that my temporisinge with the rebells, untyll I maye effecte my purpose, may not be mysconstrued; which course I assure your Lordship I do take, onely because the assuringe and maintayninge of myself in the possession of Desmond, is the only waye that is to overthrow all the rebells of Munster, and dryve awaye quickely, or utterly overthrowe, all the Bonies there; for the compassinge of which my humble sute unto Her Sacred Majesty is that it will please her Highenes to graunt me my country of Desmond on the same manner that my father in laue and grandfather held it; and as Her Highenes graunted it (would have granted it?) to any other of the byrth of England that should marry my wyf; (which graunt I have ready to be seene under the clerke of the signet, Mr. Wyndebankes hand,) tolleratinge with me to beare the nam of Mc Carty More, which both the O'Sullevans, and the rest of the Gentlemen freeholders and followers of the country layde upon me, and constrayned me to accepte, thereby to procure the countrie to yelde unto me, and to come in, and forsake that bastard Donell Mac Carthy, and the reste of the rebells; for before I tooke the name upon me, I protest I could not gett 20 of the country men of warr, or common people, to come at me, as was knowne to Sir Warham St. Leger, and Sir Henry Power, who wrate to Mr. Secretary then to that effecte; assuringe your Lordship that I would never, by any meanes, accepte it, yf the recoveringe of that countrie (which of all other here is most avayleable for Her Majesty's service) stood not upon it; which notwithstandinge, yf it please her Majesty to abolishe, I humbly beseche that it may be abolyshed in me, by that meanes of creation that it was abolyshed in my father in lawe!

I beseche your Lordship also to consyder how remote my country stands from all succour, havinge all the rebells of Mounster, and ther countries, betwene it, and not any towne of garryson, or any place or country that ar her Majesty's subiects; which ar as well knowne to your Lordship as to myself; wherby it is moste certayne that the rebells and bonies will waste, and destroye my country, whensoever I goe to worke for Her Majesty's paye: whereupon I humbly beseche that I may have a sufficient chardge to serve her Majesty withal; nether will a capten's chardge serve for him that must keepe many companies; nor I do not meane to charge Her Majesty with half so many as I will bringe to her service; all which I humbly refer to her Majesty's divine consideracon; besechinge your Lordship to be an humble sute in my behalf; the rather that what, whatsoever it shall please her Majesty to deale with me, my full purpose and intention was, and shalbe allwayes, to rest her Hignes faythfull, true servant, to performe with my lyf any service that may benefyte her moste Sacred Majesty; assuring your Lordship in proof thereof, that I will not fayle, from tyme to tyme, to advertyse and advyse your Lordship by my lettres, the beste I maye, to further her Majesty's service; and so, hopinge that your Lordship will not omyt to further my sute, I humbly take leave.

Iniskayne

Your moste humble and assured,
ffLOR MCCARTHY.

Ps

The younge man of my wyf's country that I tolde yor Lordship of, that came now out of Spayne, is called Teage O'Faylue, a foster brother of my wyfe; he hath bene these 9 years in Spayne a student, and hath tins kiste yere remayned with the Byshop of Kyerie, one Michaell Walter, borne at Limericke, who beinge deade about half a yere paste, he hath synce remayned with Friar Peter-de-los-Angelos, provinciall of the Franciskans of Andelozia, and guardian of Sivilla, who alTyrmed and assured some of his frends there that Fryer Mathias de Oviedo, who was commissarye generail of the Fryers of North Spayne, and now is Byshop of Dublyn, is come over with a greate deale of treasure, weapon, and munition; and that a greate nomber of men ar ready to be sent to the Irishmen hyther, if they will have them. Synce the wrytinge of this lettre ther ar some of my men come from the countre of Lymericke and Kyrrie, who brought me dyvers newes that concernes you; wherby I must wryte you now another lettre, and so requestinge your Lordship in any wyse to sende me Morryce Moore, I humbly take leave.

Your Lordship's to command,
fflo MCCARTHY.


[Note added to this letter by Sir George Carew and enclosed with the above letter to Sir Robert Cecil:—]

In this lettre he speakes nothinge of his sonne, whome he promysed faythfully to send unto me to Limericke; and in another lettre unto me he doeth omitt the same; and allso excuses his owne cominge to me to Limericke, which he likewyse promised; pretendinge that itt woulld turne to his great hinderance; which omission, and excuse, I nothinge like; In my answere unto him I urge him to performme his promises in those pointes; but in them I feare he will breake. This newes of Spayne I thinke to be very trew.

GEORGE CAREWE.

Copy of letter from Ormond to Florence MacCarthy, Kilkenny, 16 July 1600.

I receaued a lettre from you of the 24th of Marche laste, which I would have answered longe since, if my unfortunate myshapp had not byne in lightinge, into the hands of the wicked traitor Ownye Mc Rorie. Before which tyme I wrote on your behalf, to my Lord Deputy; and made your greffe knowen to his Lordship, in sort as you wrote them to me. But how hardlie soever you were dealt with by any man, I did hold you too wise, to be drawne by any meane, from the remembrance of your bounden duetie to her sacred Majestie, to whom you owe allegiance; and besids you knowe what most gracious and manifold favour Her Highnes hath don unto you, in setinge you at libertie, when you were in the Towre, in gevinge you lardge sumes of money when you were in wante, and many other thinges of great benefitt; soe as nothinge ought euer to cause you to forgett the same. I have had some conference touchinge you with my Lo President, who is an honorable and worthy Gent, and I doubt notwill deale favourably and frendlie with you—you deservinge the same by your service doinge, to her Highnes. And if contrary wise you shold proue the man, that will beare armes againste your naturall Prince; You amongest all, or moste men of this kingdom that are in accion would be accompted the most odious; and myself become your greatest enemye, in regard of that which in kindness I had heretofore don for you; wherefore as to one, to whome I shold not nede to use this discourse, but that yt proceedeth of my affeccion to wishe your good in your Prince's and countrey's cause, I aduise you to submytt yourself in all humble sorte, without standinge upon high condicions unfitt for a duetifull subiect; and whilest there is hope of grace and mercye to take the benefitt thereof, settinge aside the vain expectacion of foraine ayde, beinge that whereby the traitors are deluded; and if you stand duetifull I shalbe contented to be a meane for you: No more can I write to the dearest frend or kinseman I have; hopinge that this sufficeth to one of your witt and iudgement, and wishinge to heare from you howe thinges stand with you from tyme to tyme, I end.

From Kilkenny

Your assured Frend while you be duetifull,
THOMAS ORMOND & OSSORY.

Ormond to Cecil, Kilkenny, 18 July 1600.

Sone before my unfortunate comynge into the Traytor's hands I receaved a lettre from Florence Mc Cartie, wherein he seemed to justifie himself upon hard opynion conceaved of him by some, by reason of sondry extremities, wherein he stood; and what my answere is unto him (none after my delyverie, havinge found an opportunitie to sende unto him) I thought good to make knowne to you by th enclosed copie; so leavige, comytt you to the blessed guydance of the Almightie.

From Kilkenny

Your veray assured Frend,
THOS. ORMOND & OSSORY

Carew to the privy council, 5 August 1600.

Florence McCartie I do no less dowte then heretofore; for I knowe he is sworne to James FitzThomas; and yet protests the contrary unto me. As soon as I came into Kerry I sent for him to come unto me, at that tyme he being not 10 myles from Carrigfoyle (where I then was) parleyinge with James FitzThomas. His answere is here enclosed; whereuppon I wrote the second tyme unto him, and according his desire (to leave him without excuse) sent him a safeguarde, the copie of which lettre with these, I present unto yor Lordships; wherein I appointted him a tyme, and place of meetinge, unto which as yet I never receaved answer. Yf he be a rebell, as otherwayes for anythinge I can judge, I cannot accompt of him, then are the services of this province more difficult then is supposed. For I do assure yor Lordships the Cartyes of Mounster, whome he hopes to drawe into his faction, together with their dependaunts, and followers, are of themselves hable to make above 3000 stronge, which, together with the remaynes of the other dispersed rebells yet in accion, do amount to no less then 7000, at the least. To strengthen this rebellion in a firmer combynacon, Florence McCarty (as I am credibly aduertised, and am constantly persuaded to be true) hath practised a mariadge betweene the sister of Cormock McDermot, Lord of the countrey of Muskery, and James FitzThomas; which I was advertised was consummated; but I fynd the contrary, and dowt not but to worke the meanes to frustrate the same. Yf his plott shold holde, then the cittie of Corke (untill by force I do dispse them) in this county wilbe my frontyer; for Muskerry adioins unto the walls of that cittie, and I assure myself that many that are now subiects, (yf this mariadge take effect,) will ronne into rebellion. The Carties countreys which are lardge and spacius, comprehendinge the countreys of Muskerry, Carebry, Dowallie, and Desmond (by reason of the multytude of huge mountaynes in the same) are in nature exceeding stronge, and yet full of come and cattle, hailing felt little of the warr, unto the which, for the present, all the other rebells of the counties of Corke, Limericke, and Kerry (whome I have beaten out of their countreys) do flie for refuge.

Florence of late had his messenger with Tyrone, (as he pretends) for the release of O'Sulyvan More his brother in law, who was carryed prisoner by Dermot O'Connor out of this Province; but my intelligencers assure me that it was onely to procure forces to support this rebellion, for the hartening whereof Tirone hath sent lettres of comfort to all his freinds, and confiderats in this countrey assuring them that before Michaelmas-day the Spanish forces will lande in Mounster; which is confidently beleeuved by James FitzThomas; for, notwithstanding his forces are verie weake yet he vauntes er that tyme, to be the greatest Erle of Desmond that euer was in Ireland. Within the Province ytself there is no man that can guide that service but Florence McCartie, who like a dark clowde hanges over my heade threateninge a storm to impeach our accoins; but yet (without forreiyne aydes) with the forces I haue, together with other meanes which I will procure, I dowt not but in a short tyme, to make him humble himself, and to sue for Her Majesty's mercye. Notwithstanding I know all that to be true, yet I think it meete, for a tyme, to hold that temporising course with him which hitherto I have don, being loathe to add so powerful a traitor unto the other traitors, till the rest be more depressed.

[Enclosed with the above letter.] Florence MacCarthy to Carew, 2 August 1600.

My very good Lord Your lettres were safely delyvered unto me, which had assuredly cost the messenger his lyff yf he had ben taken by the way: and as for Your Lordship's doubt therein whether I stand fyrmely your frend or no, because it is so longe synce your Lordship hard from me, I am, I assuere your Lordship and shalbe euer found a true subiect to the Queen's most sacred Majesty, and a poore, true, olde, frende of your Lordship & as faythfull to your Lordship's cheifest frends in England, nether should your Honor misse to heare at all tymes from me if I had meanes to have any lettres safely couvayed or delyuered, as Yord Lordship may iudge by my last severall lettres, which I sent hyd or stytched up, in women's apparel; the one of which women went safe to your Lordship to Lymerick, by Mr. Marshall's meanes; and thother went safe to my Lord of Thomond, by whome she sent her lettre; by the contents of which lettres yor Lordship peeved my mynde and intention towards Her Majesty's service and thadvancement of yor Lordship's reputation; for I am sure your Lordship found no greater resistance then I tolde you.

Nether did myself, nor any of my people, or of all my country, assist or relieve any rebells, or others against your Lordship, as I promysed, mor then that my brother went downe to Castle Lyshin with the Kellyes, who promysed him, upon any good opportunity, to take away my brother in lawe O'Sulyvan More from Dermod O'Connor; for the which he stayed when the Geraldines with their Erle, were taken by Dermod O'Connor; and dyd his best against Dermod for the recoueringe of the prysoners, in hope to I recouer O'Sulyvan; and after the Gerald men were gott out he stayde ther styll, untill for want of victualls ther remayned not above 6 with him. At which tyme, I protest, I had ben ther with 700 or 800, and had recouered my brother-in-lawe but that I was sure you would be perswaded that I had gon thyther to assist rebells; but yf I had then recovered my brother-in-lawe O'Sulyvan, I assure your Lordship both he and I, or at the leaste myself, had byn at the Glynn with you, or at Carrygofoyle, at yor fyrst cominge thyther. At the recevinge of your Lordship's lettres now, I was (thinkinge lyttle thereof) ner the mountaines of Mangirtagh, to pacefy a mortall contraversie for land betweene the best and chefest Gentlemen here, therby to keepe them from kyllinge one another. At the fyrst I endevoured to prepare myself to ryde unto your Lordship, and had, I assure your Lordship, ventured it upon the soddayne, yf I had any good company of horsemen; for want whereof I sent to gather my people, for I cannot for my lyfe keepe many companies of footemen here a longe tyme together, in one place, for want of victualls; but must dysperse them into dyvers cantreds of the country; and before they came, I understoode that your Lordship's forces were come to Clan Morryce, and that the Geraldines forces were come over the mountaynes, the rest beinge gathered here in Kerry, and Clan Morrice.

Wherby I could not see how I might goe with any safety for my country or pson; for yf I had gone I should go headlonge, without any assurans for my safe returne from your Lordship, and the Erle of Thomond; and should go into a countrey far off, wher I had no knowledge, or frendship, nor place of retrayte, untyll I had spoken with your Lordship, or the Erle of Thomond; beinge also ignorant of the intention of the forces which your Lordship, sent to Clanmorrice towards me, who stood in my waye; and assured that the Geraldmen would cut me, and all my people in peces, yf they found me going to your Lordship; and yf they had myssed me, that they would spoyle all my country, and place Dermod Mc Owen, or some one of my name there, and wrytt, and blase such matters of me as I should never have my brother in law O'Sulyvan, who is at Tirone's dysposition; this also beinge a very comodious tyme for the rebells of Munster to alter and undoe this country, both by reason of O'Sulyvan More's absence, and the dyssention, and contraversie that is betwixt the rest of the chiefest men here. Yf it please your Lordship to sende for me at any tyme, when these forces of the Geraldines are dyspersed, I will not fayle, yf I have any safe waye to go to your Lordship, and to my Lord of Thomond, upon good assurance; for I will not trust myself into any other's hands, havinge alredy past 12 yeres in severall prysons. The nomber of forces that James Mc Thomas brought with him over the Mountaynes now is aboue 300 foote, (beinge 400, or well neere), and somwhat lesse then 20 horsemen. Thomas Oge ioined with him with aboue 200 foote, and 5 or 6 horsemen. Thus much I learned certynely of one of this country that was there amongethem. The freeholders, or followers of Kerry, I cannot certaynely tell what nomber they will make.

The Lord Fitz Morrice hath some 200 foote, or very lytle more. The Knight of Kerry hath 300, and abour a dozen horsemen upon the sodayne, and 100 footemen more within 3 or 4 dayes warninge; He is my cousene, and one that is allyed to me, and that I have wonne to followe my counsell; but the hard usage of my nephewe O'Connor of Kerry, and the takinge of his castle from him,—myself havinge pursuaded him to go to your Lordship, and havinge dealt with your Lordship, and the Erle of Thomond for him at Corke,—doth make a greate nomber loath to be perswaded by me; yet notwithstandinge, I have perswaded the Knight of Kerry, and he is sworne to followe mine advyse, upon cominge of some of your Lordship forces to Clanmorrice. I wyshed him to send all his cattle over the Maing, for he hath lands of his owne there, by my country; and yf his cattle were there I would be surer of his beinge ruled by me. He hath wryten unto me, whose lettre, together with James Mc Thomas his lettre I do sende to your Lordship; besechinge your Lordship: yf you have lettres out of England for me, from Sir Robert, and Sir Walter, and Sir John Stanhope, to delyver them to my nephewe O'Connor; for upon Mr. Secretary and Sir Walter, I dare put myself, or venter myself any where. I beleve I might better come to your Lordship at Tomond or Lymerick then here; for I would (whensoever you would have me) have you to geav me some tyme to provyde for the safetye of my country, whyles I were absent with your Lordship; for yf I had any good convenient place to meete my Lord of Tomond, I would go,—upon your Lordship's word in wrytinge, and my Lord's fayth for my sendinge safe into my country,—with him to Tomond or Lymerick; or ells if your Lordship, and my Lord of Tomond can dyrect any surer course for my safetie untill I had mett yor selffs, I will be ready to do it. At Corke I might go in my owne strengthe within 8 miles thereof, and within fowre or fyve myles of Kinsale.

Thus besechinge your Lordship that that I may heare from you shortly, with my moste humble and harty commendacions to your Lordship, and to my very good Lord the Erle of Tomond, I humbly take leave.

Your Lordship's moste humble and faythfull,
flloR Mc CARTHY.The Palice

Ps

If Sir Charles Willmott do contynue in any place here, he shall never, I assure you, receive no hurte by me, nor by any of my countrey; nether will I omytt to afford him any succour that I may convenyently, if he be nere me, in any extremite.—To the Right honorable my very good Lord Sir George Carewe, Knight Lord Presydent of Munster, Geve these with speede.

[Marginal note by Carew—]O'Connor did never send, or come unto me, untill the Glan was taken, and the cannon in a bark readye to sayle to his castell of Carrgefoyle.


[Enclosed with the above letter.] Florence MacCarthy to Carew, 2 August 1600.

It may please your Honourable Lordship synce the wrytinge of my other lettre, ther is the chefest follower that followed Donell Mc Carty, taken by some of my people, and brought to me; He wae goinge from Donell Mc Carthy to the Erle of Desmond, or rather to James Mc Thomas; he had a lettre in Irishe, which I interpreted; the contents whereof, is that yf the Erle do send for him sufficient Gentlemen to assure him that he shall come and go safe, he will come to him, and will take any indifferent portion at my hands before the Erle; which yf I will not, and the Erle will not take his parte, he takes God to witnes that it is not his fault to go against the holy action. At the wrytinge hereof ther came a thyrd lettre to me from Desmond; because, that at the fyrst I wroate tohim, and tolde him playnely that I would not goe to him to meete him, nor to parle with 69 determined to ryde to Your Lordship, which, as I heere, 70 and hereupon (he) wrote this lettre which I do sende Your Lordship here inclosed. Thus beinge not resolved what to do before I heare from Your Lordship and the Greate Boare of Thomond, I humbly take leave this 2d August 1600.

Your Lordship's moste humble and bounden,
ffLoR Mc CARTHY.

Ps

If Your Lordship do fynde any salfe way for me to come unto you, send my nephewe O'Connor to me; but he cannot come to salfe; I was parlyenge with James Mc Thomas at his last beinge here, and went with him to the Iland, in hope to get his lettres for the delyvery of O'Sulyvan; but could not: and where it was blazed through the countrey then that I should ioyne with him, or promyse tohelpe or assist him, I renownce God, and my Christianitie, if ever I promyst to joyne with him, or ever ment it; which doth make me marvayle what nowe he speakes of.


Carew to Cecil, Limerick, 17 August 1600. 71

Florence Mc Cartie, once since I came from Corke wrote unto me a lettre of good intelligence, and sent me allso a lettre of James Mc Thomas wrotten unto him, to pray his assistance agaynst Her Majesty's armye, which Florence directlye refused to do; but now since my coming into these parts, he hath ben with James, and Dermond O'Connor, in Conologhe, not 12 myles from Limericke, and within 2 myles of Her Majesty's garryson att Askeiton. He brought with him O'Sullevan More, and lefte him prisoner with Dermond O'Connor (agaynst O'Sullevan's will) as a pledge for the Bonnaghts which he is to receve in Desmond; and is now departed home agayne, with intent to retourne within fourtene dayes with all his force, as it is reported; but to say treulye I do not beleve that he will enter into rebellion before that he heares from you an answere of his demaundes; but uppon deniall of them then I feave I shall have cause to chandge my opinion: the greatest suspicion that I holld of him, is that at his beinge here so neare as he was, I receved no lettres from him; nor yett do I hear any thinge of his sonne, whome he promised to send unto me. James Mc Thomas' direction of his lettre is 'To the Right Honnourable his very good cosin the Lord Mac Carty More! which title, before he leave itt, will cost the Queene more crownes then Desmond is worthe, and therefore it is worthye of consideration!

2049 72 found out one called Nugent, who promysed him to do Her Majestie service uppon the person of John Mc Thomas; he was imprested by 2049 73 with a horse, a pistoll, some munition, and £10 in money. Nugent, with a resolved intent, did purpose to kill him with his pistoll; and the same day that I had viewed Loghgier, Nugent and John Mc Thomas came thether; there was allso one Coppinger sometime a footman to Sir Walter Raleghe, unto whome Nugent did reveale his purpose, and promised him faythefullye to assist him in the enterprize: not longe after, John Mc Thomas departinge thence towards Arlow woods, havinge but onlye these tow above named on horsebacke, and 2 footmen with him, Nugent tooke his pistoll in his hand, tellinge Coppinger that now he woulld kill him; and as he was readye to shoote, Coppinger snatcht his pistoll out of his hand, and cryed Treason! Nugent spurringe his horse to have escaped, by misfortune his horse stumbled, and so be was taken; and within 2 days (after he had by Coppinger's accusations, bene enforced to confesse that he did acquaynt 2049 74 with his enterprise) he was fayrelye hanged; of whose deathe ther is no great losse; for he was but a protected traytor; and, I do thinke, he woulld, uppon the least occasion, haved relapsed.

2049 75 denies his knowledge of the pretence, and for my owne parte I was ignorant of it.

129 76 hath sworne to perform the service. 10702049 77 dothe follow it vehementlie. 2049 78 wolld willinglie impart the circumstances unto you, but I do forbid him, for feare of interceptinge of his lettres; for, albeitt the passage betwene Limericke and Corke is open, and free from any great force, yett the countrye swarmes with straglinge rebells, and neutrall companions, that robbe all the messendgers they meet withall to get intelligences. Ere it be longe you shall here more; for within a few dayes the event will appeare, beinge now brought to a periode, and I do verrilye thinke that itt will be effected. In the lettre which I have written to the Lords, I do more then doubtfullye speake of Florence; and in this, allmost directlye, that I thinke he purposes to be a rebell; but now I do in some sorte recall that censure, by the receipt of these enclosed lettres, which I receved as I was writinge of these; and for your bettre understandinge I must paraphrase uppon his owne lettre unto me. The first place underlyned by me is Captain Gawen Harvye, who serves in one of the crompsters (a kind of vessel having a crooked prow—Dutch) and brought money and munitions to this towne from Corke; when he came to Baltimore Florence woulld have had him to come on shoare unto him, which he refused, and to go aboard Florence refused; and so they never spake. For refusinge to come unto him, Florence calls him foole. The second underlyned he meanes Sir Fynin O'Drischoll; the third place Baltimore; the 4th the Erle of Tomond; the 5th the rebells; the 6th O'Sulevan More; the 7th Oviedo the Spanishe priest that came latelye to Tirone; the 8th the Queene; the 9th James Mc Morris, the famous rebell; the 10th the buonies: the longe Spanishe lettre your Honnour can bettre iudge of that then I; and, for O'Neale's, to ease you from translatinge of Irishe, I do send you the originall, and the copie unto you, Englished. What to iudge of Florence I proteste I knowe nott! for as he deales playnelye with me, so on the other side I know that he doth nott forbeare to do anythinge or to sweare a million of oathes, to secure them of him. Yf his sonne were in my possession I shoulld be confident of him; but until I then I holld him doubtfull.

Limericke

Your Honnours in all bands of love and service,
GEORGE CAREWE.

Letter to Sir George Carew, lord president of Munster, 25 August 1600.

Gerote Lyston of Skehanaghe in the countie of Limericke, Gentleman, beinge in actuall rebellion with James Fitz Thomas attended him into the countie of Kerry to a village (possessed before the rebellion by James Hussye) called Bellaghafenan, beinge neare 2 miles distant from Castlemayne, whither about 5 weekes since Florence McCarty, garded with 100 foote under Morroghe-ne-Moe came, where, after they had saluted echeother Florence tooke upon him to excuse himself to James Fitz Thomas for nott havinge mett the said James with his forces to joyne both their forces together, accordinge to some former agreement concluded upon betwene them to fight with the Lord President and her Majesty's armies, and alleadged for the reason of his absence, that it would have bene a greate weakeninge to that opeynion which the country conceeved of their strengthe, and an utter overthroue to their credytts if they two (with their joint forces) beinge the chefe actores and supporters of the action, should be together, and not able to put the Lord President to the worst, which Florence seemed much to mystrust, and after his excuses had pacefied James Fitz Thomas, in the hearinge and presence of McAwlyfle, Thomas Oge Moriertagh McShihie, John Ulick and me the said Gerot Lyston that he would contynue with James Fitz Thomas in this action, and take such parte therein as he dyd; and although James Fitz Thomas would geve over this rebellion (which Florence termed a Just Warre) yet he himselfe would kepe lyff in it so long as he could get anyeone to followe him, if O'Neill hiinselfe would holde out with him, with whome he was sworne, and resolved to sincke or swymme: and hereupon James and his Chefe Gentlemen being satysfied, they departed; James to the Castle of the Currans, where he laye that night, and Florence lodged at Molaghhiff, which was the house wherein Mr. Nicholas Browne dwelt.

Carew to Cecil, 30 August 1600.

Who so knoweth this kingdome and the people will confesse that to conquer the same and them by the sword onlie is opus laboris, and almost may be said to be impossible, and I do verylie beleve that all the treasure of England, wilbe consumed in that worke, except other additions of help be ministred unto ytt. The fayre way that I am in towardes the finishinge of the heauye taske which I undergoe I am affrayd wil receyve some speedye and roughe impediment, unlesse my aduyse in sendinge of the yonge Desmond hether may be followed; the good which by his presence wilbe effected hath bene by me so often declared as I holde ytt needlesse to trouble yow with reiterations of the same: the danger that may ensue if he should proue a traitor (which I suppose tobe the motiue of his detention) is no more then the malice of a weake rebell, who can neuer be so great, by reason of his education, which hath bene in simplicitye unaccustoned to action, together with his religion, as this countrefaict Earle, nourished in uillanie and treasons, and the greatest piller (Tyrone excepted) that euer the Pope had in this kingdome, and farther, if this traytor were taken or slayne, yet the rebellion is not ended; for these Mounster rebells will establishe another Robin Hood in his roome, and so in sequence, as longe as there is a Geraldine in Ireland. As sone as the bruict was divulged that he shoulde be sent unto me, I found such an alacritye in his followers as an immediate sight of a present quiet did represent ytself unto me, {} . Sir beleue me all the perswasions in the world will not preuayle to induce them to serue against James McThomas, much lesse to do anythinge upon his person, before they see his face.

If God be pleased, for the good of this country, to direct her Majesties counsayles to send him hether, I do humblye beseche yow to moue her that he may come (or not at al) as a free man, without any marke of a prisoner, and that he may enioy the name and tytle of an Earle. What land is most conuenient for him to have, and least dangerous if he should be ill disposed, I haue heretofore at large deliuered my opinion; and also how easie it is to prevent any harme he may do if he be enclined to do ill.

GEO CAREWE.

Carew to the privy council, 30 August 1600. 79

Donell Mc Carthie base brother to Florence's wife (who in the beginning of this rebellion was by the countrey ellected to be Mc Carty More, that is to be chief Lord of the countrey of Desmond; and displaced by Tyrone at his being in Mounster to erect Florence) hath made his humble submission, and accordingly beseecheth Her Majesty's gracious pardon, requiring no rewarde but such as his service shall merritt, promising faithfully that when I shall intend the proseqution of Florence, with the help of Her Majesty's forces, he hath good hope in a short tyme to banish him the countrey; his proffers I enterteine, and according the quallitie of his service have promised him to a meane to Her Majesty that she wilbe pleased to bestowe some porcion of that land upon him.

Divers reportes are made of Florence's son; some thatt he is gon into Spayne, others thatt he will go shortlie, and tothat effect I have a lettre of the White Knight, dated the 27th of the month that yf he be not gon alreadie yett he is resolved to go thether which makes me to hope (yf it be trew) thatt they begin to dispayre of Spaniards.

Reply to the above letter, from Sir Robert Cecil to Carew, circa September 1600—

For Florence if he could be made an honest man it weare pitty to loose him; and I assure you to make him an Erle of the Queene's gifte, I doe not thinke but she would easylye be induced if he seeke it upon any good imprest of loyalltye. It weare verrie good that you did discover him as well as you can what may be lookfor of him, for I see that you take him to be one of the strongest rebelles.

Carew to Cecil, 17 September 1600.

I have nottyet heard from Florence; yf he do not presentlye come and submitt himselfe, I have sent him word thatt I will prosecute him as a traytor: for I am resolved nott to beare with his temporisinge any longer, beinge now bettre enabled then I was, to follow him, which I was not able to do whyle James Mc Thomas was stronge. I have gotten good blood houndes of his owne countrye birthe to hunt him, out of naturall mallice they beare him, and make no doubt but to send the Queene his head for a token, except he do presentlye submytt himselfe.

Carew to Cecil, Cork, 23 September 1600.

This eveninge I receved a longe tedious humble lettre from Florence, and prayes to be admitted to speake with me; he now stands uppon no titles of Erle or Mc Cartie More, renouncinge his desires to have them; but humblye prayes to be assured of his lyfe, libertie, and lyvinge, with infynite protestations to be evermore a trew servant to the Queene, and to demonstrate his loyalltie by his service. The first of October I purpose to be in Carbrye, at which tyme or before, ether Florence shall yelld unto me suche assurance for his loyalltie as I shall thinke is meet to be receved, or ells I will presentlye fall to the prosecution of him: The pride of his hart is abated, and protests that yf your honnour, or Sir Wallter Raleghe woulld have vouchsafed (as in his lettres unto you bothe he promysed and prayed,) to have wrotten unto him, to have gone into England; thatt long since he had bene there, but recevinge no answere from ether of you, and Sir John Stanhope's lettre did but admonyshe him onely to subiection, without promise of life, libertie, or lyvinge, for these considerations he helld himsellfe neutrall; but yf he may be assured thatt his offences shall be remitted, he will then endeavour by his services, to recover his lost reputation; by the next I shall be able to certifie your honnour more of him, assuringe you thatt yf he be reduced by my next, the greatest part of the Queen's chardges for Munster may be well spared; but nott before, for feare of a relapse. James Mc Thomas is now no better then a wood kerne, and gone I know not whether, for since his last overthrow, no man can tell me whatt is become of him.

Cork 23 September. 1600.

Extract from letter of Cecil to Carew, 15 October 1600.

Sir, &c. &c.

It remayneth now that I say something to you concerning Anyas, 80 who hath neuer deceaued me, for I haue held him a villain. First, the Lord God doth know it, that my soul neuer had the thought to consent to the poysonning of a dogg, much less a Christian. True it is that, to take a Rebell alyue, or to bring their head, I was contented to heare his promise, though, for myne own parte, I neuer beleeued him; I do therefore pray you, and conjure you by all the love you beare me, to find the meaues to take him, and, seeing he hath otherwayes offended the Law, be assured of this from me that it must be his hanging, and publicq confession that must cleare us from this odious imputation.

Remember, Sir, what I write, I pray you, and think of it; for there is no other way to cleare it; and, know this from me that, when you haue him, yf you keep him long alyve, he will escape from you by one meanes or other. Send him not over therefore, nor spare not his lyfe, for then it wilbe thought, whatsoever he sayeth to cleare vs, that it is to safe his necke, &c.

Carew to Cecil, 22 October 1600.

Florence I daylye expect; yf he com not he is a periured rebell, as his letters can testyfye which Mr. Price hath seene, and I am resolued to prosecute him presentlye, which ere this I would have don yf his protestations of loyalltye had not prevayled with me: but to saye my opynion trewlye of him yt were fitt for the service he should be reduced by force, but then I should geve a longer contynuance of a chardge to Her Majestie, the dimunucion whereof is chefely expected.

Cecil to Carew, November 1600.

—I have mooved the Lords to uryte untoe the Cittye of Corke about the lewde usage of the yonge Erle of Desmond, to whom I have sente this copye that he maie be comforted; for indeed Capten Price sware untoe me that all this was trewe which is urytten, he being bye.

Carew to Cecil, 2 November 1600.

Florence McCarthie, after many delayes and protraccions (in hope of present succor to subsist in a longer warr) the 29th of the last, made his repaire unto me, submitting himself to hir Majesty's grace, and mrcye, protesting (whose protestacions I do not much creditt, for his submissions are onely out of feare to be presently ruined by her Majesty's forces) for ever hereafter to remayne a true and faithfull servant unto hir Majesty, and to meritt by his future seruices the redemption of his late errors. To abate his greatnes I haue taken from him his chiefe dependaunts (namely) the towe O'Sullyvans, the towe O'Donoughoes, McFynnen, O'Crowly and O'Mahowne Carrebry; every of which are to put in pledges for their owne loyalties, and not to depend upon him: so as his pledges lyes onely for himself, and his brother (who is a most wickid traytor) and those of the Clancarties dwelling upon the landes which hir Majesty hath graunted unto him. The pledge I demaunded was his eldest sonne which (by reason of his indisposition of health) he cold not bringe with him, but in the meantyme hath left with me his base brother, who is dearly esteemed by him, hauing for these tenn yeares past spent his tyme in the warrs of the Lowe Contries, Fraunce and Hungary, and a foster brother of his, no less by him respected. within these 20 dayes he assures me to retorne againe, and then bringe his sonne with him: All that I haue promissed to confirme unto him is but his pardon and liberty, not condicioninge any further assuraunce for his landes then such as now he hath; and for the titles which he so much atfectes, which is either to be called Mc Carty More, or to be created Earle of Clancare, I have left him hopeles in ether of them. He is now gon to prove his credytt with Thomas Oge (Constable of Castlemange for James Fitz Thomas,) to render the same into hir Majesty's handes; but I thincke the Erle of Desmond will prevayle before him, who hath sent to that purpose, but yf they both fayle I doubt not, by another stratagemme to regaine the same. The reducton of Florence (although I cannot iudge his hart less corrupt then before,) giues an assured hope of a present establishment of this province; for upon him the rebells did builde their last refuge; and now that he is defected from them, straungers wilbe less willinge (hauing no backe in the country) to venture themselves therein.

GEORGE CAREWE. From Moyallow,

Cecil to Carew, 8 November 1600.

Sir, &c. &c.,

In this point, therefore, I will hold you no longer, but onely to remember you that I exspect dayly to vnderstand what you haue done with that wicked and horrible wretch Annias, who hath geuen out (as it seemeth) so vile an vntruth of you and me concerning Florence, of which I protest to the Lord I neuer intertayned the thought. I trust, therefore you will come by him by one meanes or other, that he may paye the randsome of such a villainy.

Enclosed with the above letter, circa November 1600, endorsed in Sir Robert Cecil's handwriting.

To the Right honorable Sir Robert Cicill: one of her Majesties most honorable privie Councell give thes.

[In Cecil's writing—] Atkinson's lettre, the Priest yt discovered Tychburn, and was broght me by Mr. Fowler.

Right honorable. Sithence I haue framed the primisses of a loyal myndd, I meane unfeinedlie, in verbo sacerdotis, to make a perfect periode, and to ioyne issue and a compleet conclusion to noe lesse effect, and albeit my creditt before your honour was called in question howe that I should haue abusedd your honour in ployinge theire goods, under pretence of search, by sayinge I was your man; with many other adiects, all which weare false, having as far as I doe remember when they would not search in such places, as I willed, I might use your honours nayme, by saying I would complain to Sir Robert Cicill, or the like, which I only uttered as I ame a Christian, and noe other, to ray remembrance, and albeit having bereaved my selfe of million of frindds, in regard of the service I performed, bring odible to all Catholiques, of whome before I receyved verie large maintenance, and nowe onlie reliinge upon your honourable disposition, and gratious favour, I thought good to present unto your honour some platforme which I planted, vz., ho we that I have obtained divers letters for Irlandd, one frome Mr. Blackwell, and another from father Walle 81, alias Gamett, and from diverse others of the best credit!, in my commendations, for I haue made theme for to beleeve howe I intend for to be a religious man, and of the order of St. Francis and in regarde I ame of good acquaintance in Irland I make choise for toe be under Bishoppe Macraith, by the which letters, Right Honourable, I assure myself (so that theire be verie greate sacresie used) for to PERFORME SHORTLIE SERVICE WORTHIE OF A GOOD REWARDD, FOR IT IS MOST EASIE FOR TO POYSINE TYRONE THROUGH SOME POYSINED HOASTES, the which in regard I shall be theire where he haith continuall resorte, I make noe doubte at all, as I shall be saved but to abbreviate, the Traitors dayes, by that or other meanes, for the Bishoppe being a Franciscan frier, and all that entreth into that order in Irland, entreth under him, who is almost day lie with Tirone, and Father Nangle and Father Archer are his ghostlie fathers, unto whome I have letters in my behalfe, and beinge verie well acquainted with them bothe, I shall without difficultie performe my desyre, and for a reward I will onelie requier it, when the service is efected, saving your honourable woord, I would not seeme to come my selfe to your honour, least some should by fortune see mee, and therfor I sent my letter by Mr. Fowler, thus with my daylie praier, for your honours most prosperous and longe life, I rest ever duringe breath to he commanded by your honour, before any man livinge, I protest.

Youre Honnours Continuall Orator,
WYLLIAM ATKINSONNE, pr.

Cecil to Carew, 8 November 1600 [Lambeth Mss].

In the matter of Florence, wee hope by the next to receave some certainty, seeing in manie lettres of late you have used speeches that you would dryve it to some conclusion, in which point it seemeth something strang to me that Capten Pryse reporteth that you should say you would have prosecuted him yf I had not restrayned you, wherein I must needs professe that you haue ether mistaken me, or he hath mistaken you, for, yf you observe all the lettres that I haue written, you shall fynde that I made jugement of nothing which commeth not from you, nor euer send you directions without leving them to the latitude of your owne discretion; And for this matter you must remember, when you wrott of your going into Kerry, you professed you would temporise with him tyll you came back; and when you were there you wrott that you found nothing in him but perfidious delayes, besydes so extreame ambicion as you became doubtfull whether it were not convenient in some kind for Her Majestie to yeald thereunto; uppon which lettres it was written to you again that you should prosecute him when you saw your tyme, except some convenient satisfaction should contente him. Within few daies after you wrott that such a day you would begin to draw head uppon him, and then to prosecute him, yf new matter from him proceeded not to your liking. Since which tyme you know what is written, and therefore yf wee doe but mooue as you do mooue, and change uppon your grounds, then must your owne reasons be accoumpted the author of your owne resolutions, wherein you neede not be doubtfull more then wee are of you, seeing all that you haue hetherto undertaken hath sped so well, and is so well taken. In this point, therefore, I will hold you no longer, &c. &c.

John Meade, mayor of Cork, to the privy council, 14 January 1601.

I received another lettre from your Honours directed to me, and the Aldermen, which lettre did contayne that your Honours were informed that the young Earle of Desmond whou lately came hither, was, with his company, very hardly intertayned here, and not well accomadated with lodgings, or other necessaries: the truth is Right Honour that upon his repaiere hither yit did not appeare unto me by sight of his Patient or in any other manner, what aucthority he received from her most Excellent Majestie (albeit I hold the favours bestowed by her Majestie uppon him a most rare president of her Highnes wonted gracious clemency) and where be hath landed at Youghill, he did not repaire to the Lord President, being then at Mallo, but came hither first, and therefore yt may please your good Honour to be advertized that I did feare it might be offensive to entertaigne him, or any other, not putt in aucthority by her Majestie, with any publique wellcome, at the gates of the Cytty, or otherwise, which is onely used to the Lord Deputy, Lord President; or such as are aucthorized by her Highnes. And yf Ihad knowenn it were her Majesties pleasure, my good will should never want to conntenaunce ani with that measure her Highnes would expect, were yt signified unto me by lyne, lettre, or otherwise, from my Lord President, or any in aucthority. But Right Honourable althoughe I hope well of the dispotion of the young Earle, yet I did feare thuse of some of his auncestors whou have challendged courtesies for duetyes, and soe might intangle this Corporacion with newe customs, which onely depends of God and her most excellent Majestie, and of no other peere, or person whatsoever. Yet for private kindnes there wannted none; for I assure your good Honour that the young Earle's officers did send to bespeake one of Mr. Skiddy's house, for some private affecton betwixt them, wherby I expected the same should haue bene readdie for his Lordship; but by meane of certayne provaunt and provision of the garrizons which was kept in the said house, the same was not so soone reddie as his Lordship came hither, wheruppon I entertaigned him at my poore house, while his lodging were a making reddie; and when he had remayned an houer or two in my house, his officers would not accept of the former lodging, and thereuppon I was fayne to lodge him at one Phillipp Martell's house (being an Alderman of this Cytty) being th usuall lodging of th arle of Ormond, and where Sir Warham St. Leger, here lately in comission, did lye; and the Lord cheefe Justice of England at his being here; and being of the principallest houses in this place; and notwithstanding that the self night of his Lordships repaiere hither, there came alsoe 400 of the Walshe soldiers sent hither for supplies, with the lodging of which th officers were much troubled, yet all his company which came to the Bayllies of this cittie to demaund lodging, were harboured sufficiently, and lodged without making of any payment for the same, neither would anie of them repaiere unto th usual Innes; and yf any were unlodged it was for waunt of demaunding the same of th officers appointed here for those causes. And concerning his supper the truth is I expected his steward and others had provided for him the first night of his repaiere hither, and ment to have entertaigned him to deinner the next daie; but that his Lordship came of himself with his trayne whou had the best provision I could affourd. And his Lordship being at supper complayned of the waunt of horsses, and he would not beleeve but that the cittie could affourd sufficient horses for him and his troupe, which I truely answered that all the horsses of the towne, except a few garrans for wood, were stollen awaie this last rebellion, and out of use: for that the cittizens durst not traivaile abroade, and withal I gaue him the best advyse I could, to send to the Lords and Gentlemen adioining for horsses; and his Lordship called for pen and inke to urite unto my Lord President: and I thinking that he ment to uriet by way of complainte for not furnishing him with horsses, praied his Lordship of God's will to acquainte me with his meaning, and that I would endevoour to see him provided to my power; and he said his lettres were for her Majesties service, and required haste; whereuppon I presentely dispatched them awaie at midnight by a messenger of the Cittys, and collected the keis, being devided among the Aldermen, by custome used here since King John's tyme, and I receaved the next morrow an answere, the contents of which I have dilligently endevoured to observe (at which conference Capten Price was not present) and that was all that past betwixt the Earl and me touching anie lettres; protesting before God that he never writt lettres to your Honour in my house, but wee did passe the tyme in meryment, and in no such matters of waight, which were to be used with gravity and secrecie. Onelie he writt those few lynes to the Lord President, sitting at table, accompanied with me, and diverse others after supper; and I marvaile greatlie that of such small and publique conference these matters were informed against me, as rather became mere indiscretion and childishnes in me if I were faulty, then anie witt or sense, beseemyng the place I now carrie or my profession of lawyer. And albeit it, I cannot make ostentacion of discretion, or of other sufficiencies fitt for the place I now beare, which was involuntaryly cast uppon me, being a burden of greate care and chardge, yet there is no waunt of my love and zeale to serve her Majestie, according my most bounden duty; and to extend my poore power to entertaigne such as are in her Princely favor, whome God Allmighty long may blesse and prosper against all her enemyes whatsoever! And so not doubting but the Lord President hath, and shall have occasion to make like reporte of my willingnes in her Majesty's service as occasion shalbe her ministered, I most humbly take leave.

From Corck

Your honourable Lordships a comaund
John MEADE
Maoir of Corck.

Carew to the privy council, Moyallo, 25 January 1601.

Florence Mc Carthy is now with me, and to cleare himself of all his transgressions, doth promise me ymmediatly to sue out his pardon, and to send me his eldest Sonne, upon receipt of whome I must retorne unto him the pledges that now I have; but such was his feares accompanied with knowen guiltyness of his breech of proteccions since he was receaved into her Majesty's grace, as he plainely confessed unto me that the same was broken, and therefore did before his cominge humbly pray unto me the renewinge of yt, with promise hereafter religiously to keepe the same; unto which request (albeyt I was fair unwillinge) yet least the denyall thereof shold have made diversion in the harts of others in Desmond, inclyned to peace, who then with him were repayring unto me to give assurance for their future loyalties, as namely O'Sulyvan More, McFynen, and the Twoe O'Donnoughoes, I thought it meete in discretion to remitt the errors past, and to beginn a new accompt, with whome generally I have now taken sufficient order.

Carew to Cecil, 11 February 1601.

My Lord of Upper Osserye of late hathe done good service, havinge slayne of the rebells dead uppon the place 157 and among them Coppinger, Sir Wallter Raleghe's man that saved John Fitz Thomas from killinge, this last sommer by Nugent, as your Honnour hath bene formerlye enformed.

G. CAREWE.

Cecil to Carew, 30 April 1601.

I am veray gladd yt thEarle of Desmond is heer; he is well used, and shall have the same some which growes bye the Lendynges, but not by the apparell; att the least he shall not knowe soe muche, because he is every daie lookynge for more than his allowaunce. Other newes heare are none but yt the Queene is well, and going to Greenwich.

ROBERT CECYLL.

Edmund FitzGerald, the White Knight, to Carew, 29 May 1601.

My dutie most humblie remembreth to yor good Lord being not unmyndfull of the great chardge your Lordship gave me divers tymes, for the serchinge out of James Fitz Thomas, and especially when nowe last I was at Cork, I have both to satisfie your Lordship as alsoe to manifest my willingness to doe my Prince service, all this while endeavored my selfe to enquier after the saide James, for compassinge of which purposse, I protest to your Lordship I could tak noe rest, for I thinck if any other should take him but my selfe, my harte would burste. I came in conference with the harper Dermod O'Doan, John Shannyghane the priest, and the Baldons, whome your Lordship knoweth to be ther last releavers and company, privatly offeringe euie of them parteculerlie to have her Majesty's mercy and favor extended to them, their wiffes and children, with other great rewards, about which matter I spent a long tyme, yet euerie one of them dyd put me of, taking ther ots they kneewe not whear the saide James was at all, Yet I founde them periured therein because nowe I knowe the priest & Doan was that very day with him. Well, when that wey failed me I brought before me all those of my countrey that I moste trusted & that I kneewe to have loved my most. I fell into private conference with euerie of them particulerly, shewinge them what great danger was lik to ensue to me & my contrey unless I had don some seurice upon James Fitz Thomas whoe alwaies was founde to be borderinge upon my contrey. Wherfore they weare to be suspected for him. And the more to procure them to ventur themselves for me in my extremitie I published amongst them that Sir George Thorneton was bounde for me body for body to appeare at the next cessions. Wherupon I eftsones praied them as they loved me & my contrey, & to avoyde such great inconvenience, that they would wourck all the meanes they could to learne me newes of the said James, to which euerie one answered that they knewe nothinge of him at all. At last seing me in that perplexitie one whome I protest I least suspected of all my countrey, came to me a litle before supper, and tolde me that the said James and one Thomas Roe Offeighie lay at such a cave or denn be Slevgrott. I unwillinge to looss my opportunitie, seeing it pleassed God to send me such good newes, repaired thether presently with a very few company, and being right on the saide cave or denn, sent downe 3 or 4 men whoe fyndinge them their James retourned me one fourth putinge me in mynde of his kyndred, and prainge me, not to remember him at that tyme for any harme he dyd me before, promissinge to make great amends thereof, and that he was sure to be well hable to performe it within two monethes, for that he should haue, or that tyme 6000 men well prouided with munition and other necessaries in Mounster, with many other unreassonable offers which should be to my greate profficte. When I would not accept any thinge at his hands, but told him that he was nowe her Majesty's prisonner then began he to raile at me & laboured my followers & servants to foasake me & take his parte, and that he would rewarde them lardglie with lands for their posteritie for ever & other gifts of great value, whereof he failed, as of the rest. This is the maner of his takinge, having him and the saide Feighie in my safe keeping within my castell to be presented to her Majestie, and as I have performed this with manie other principall services heretofore for her Highnes, even soe doe I hopp that this shall not be the last. I sent to Sir George Thorneton to Kilmallock presently to bring me a good guarde of horsse and foote to leade him to your Lordship to Corck tomorrowe.

Even soe humbly tak my leave, resting your Honnours ever to doe your service.
Kilineheny

EDD. GYBBON.

Carew to the privy council, 3 June 1601.

[On the apprehension of James FitzThomas Fitzgerald, Sugán earl of Desmond.]

It may please your Lordships. The 29th of May (being the next day after the date of my last to your Lordships herewith) the White Knight (by me employed, and earnestly spourred on to repaye his former errors) did his best endeavors (which I thanke God) had the successes desired. For the day aforesaid (havinge notice by his espyalls wheare James Fitz Thomas (the usurping Erle of Desmond) laye hidden within his countrye in the mountaynes of Slewgrott in an obscuer cave many fathoms under the grounde, upon intelligence with such companies as then weare in his house with him, not being of weaponed men above 8 in nomber, repaired to the place, discovered and there tooke him, and one horseman more who attended him, and brought them to one of his own castles, from whence Sir George Thornton with a good guarde convayed them safe to my house, where in irons he remayneth, out of the which I dare not els trust him to be kept, being (as he is) a man the most generally beloved by all sortes (as well in this towne as in the country), that in my life I have knowen.

I cannot sufficiently commende unto your Lordships this dutifull act of the White Knightes, who performed the same more in respect of his dutie to Her Majesty then for the benefitt of the £400 head money proclaymed, and presently to be paide, for The doinge whereof he was not ignorant to purchase to himself the generall malice of the Province, wherby his desert is made the greater, and (but by himself) I protest unto your Lordships I do not know any man in Mounster by whome I might have gotten him. Neither may I leave unrecomended unto your Lordships the dilligent and painefull endeuours of Sir George Thornton, who next unto the Knight himself, hath best deserved, being the chiefest and most effectuall instrument by me employed herein, and therefore (as wel for their incoradgmets to persevere in doinge her Majesty service as to move others to forward the same) I most humbly besech your Lordships that in her Majesty's name you wolde take particuler notice of yt, and by your lettres to give them the thankes they deserve. For this treator's hope (notwithstandinge all the miseryes which in this tyme of his distress he hath sustayned) was nothing abated; every day expecting either by Irish or Spanishe ayde (which ayde from Spaine (as he tells me) he was confident to receave before harvest) to be no lesse hable to mentayne the warrs then in former tymes; assuriuge your Lordships that he was the most potent Geraldyne that ever was of any of the Erles of Desmond his auncestors, as may well appear by the nombers of Provincialls pardoned and cutt short since my cominge hither, as also by the nombers of the Bonnoughtes by me from time to time banished. The manner of his apprehension, (for your Lordships more particuler satisfaccion) is expressed in a lettre of the White Knightes unto me which herewith I send your Lordships.

I once purposed to have sente the arch treator by this passadge into England; but upon better consideracion (whereof I hope your Lordships will give good allowaunce) I do staye him for a tyme, and by the same do hope to avoyde all inconveniences that may happen: for, yf he shold dye before he come to his tryall (as the judges heare inform me) the Queen (but by Act of Parliament) can not be interested in his lands; and also his brother John (by the same reason) is not by the lawe debarred from the title which this pretender holdes to be good, to the Erledome of Desmond: for theis reasons (by their opinions) I have resolved to have him arraigned, and adjudged, heare, and then do thincke yt meete he be sent into England, and left as your Lordships shall please to dispose of him. And because yt is likewise by the lawyers told me, that a man condemned in this realme cannot, by the ordinary course of lawe, upon the same Indictment be executed in England, I purpose to send with him 2 or 3 indictments readye drawne with sufficient matter, by the which he may be there at all tymes arraigned. The reasones that induceth me to send him lyvinge into Englande are grounded upon an apparent doubt conceaved that as soone as this arch treator shalbe executed, his brother John will ymmediatly assume the title he did, and perrchaunce therby prove no less powerfull than this traitor hath ben; whereas (whilest he lyves) he cannot make any pretence to move ther naturall followers, and dependants of ther howse of Desmond to assist him; likewise I hold yt (under reformacion of your grave iudgements) to be very daungerous to contynue him any longe tyme prisoner in Ireland, beinge (as aforesaid) so exceedingly beloved as he is, not daringe to comit him into any hands, out of myne owne.

G. CAREWE.Cork

Carew to Cecil, 4 June 1601.

It may please your Honor, yesterday, being the 3d of June, Patricke Crosbye departed hence with some packets from me directed unto you, &c. &c.

The titularye Erle my prisoner is very confident of there cominge, (the Spaniards) which made him to lead the miserable poore lyfe he did, in hope to be of greater abillitie to continew the warre then at the first; yett he is muche reserved in his speache, and will hardlye discourse anythinge that may advance her Majestie's service; but after a few dayes I doubt not but to make him speake more freelye. 82

Carew to Cecil, 18 June 1601.

[On the arrest of Florence].

Your Honnour by Patricke Crosbye was fully advertised of all the affayres of this province untill the date of the lettres he carried, since which tyme more then the restrayninge of Florence McCarthie, who is now her Majestie's prisoner, nothinge hath happened. The treasons which in his breast he hathe of longe tyme caried agaynst her Majestie and the state, was sufficientlye discovered by his entringe into action of rebellion, havinge latelye before receved extraordinarie favours, att his last beinge in England, and the continuance of his treasons doth evidentlye appeare by his practisinge with Tirone, and Mounster men, when he was uppon protection; in all which tyme he never left sollicitinge as well to bringe northern aydes to rayse new tumults, as to stirre and provoke the provincialls to relapse, which may appeare manifestlye to be trew by the coppies of sundry lettres and examinations which I have sent unto you, and more fullye by further proofe which I am able to produce agaynst him.

The reasons which persuaded me all this longe tyme to smoother his faullts, was because he was uppon protection, and yett still woulld have lett them runne on, yf necessitie had not urdged me to lay holld of him. To wynne tyme uppon me he pretended to goe into England, and tothatt end I did procure him lardge benevolences bothe in Carbrie and Desmond; but perceved no suche intention in him, allso whereas his pardon hath bene under the seale ever since the 7th of Aprill last, by the which he was enioyned by a tyme prefixed to put in assurance for his further loyallty, at the tyme that I committed him there was but 14 dayes to come, unexpired; and that very day of his commitment he was takinge his iorney into Desmond, so as allmost there was no possibillitie for him to retourn to put in his suerties by the limitation of the proviso in his pardon, which tyme beinge elapsed then he must be newlye protected, and so live unsecured. Upon this quarrell of not puttinge in of suerties according to the proviso, and proovinge unto him that the tyme must of necessity elapse, and makinge knowne unto him that he hathe dealt falselye and trayterouslye since, and in the tyme of his protections, I did comitt him; att the iustnes whereof himsellfe hathe nothinge to replie, and all men are sufficientlye satisfied with his restraynt; havinge caused the generallitie of his treasons with Spayne, Tirone, and att home, to be divulged. The next day after his restraynt he was a petitioner unto me that he might have the benefitt of Her Majesties pardon, unto the which, because the tyme in the Proviso was nott fullye expired I did condyscend, beinge in iustice nott to be denied unto him. His faullt he acknowledges in nott putting in suerties with more celeritie, and patientlye endures his restraynt, because he finds his guilltinesse of his offences to lie open unto me, and yett is not debarred from the saftie of his life.

With James Fitz Thomas I do purpose to send him into England; and then have I sent you two Erles of there owne makinge, and the most powerfull rebells that ever lyved in Mounster. By the takinge of them I do thinke that Mounster with a reasonable garrison will be assured from revollt within itsellfe, and allso freed from Ullster Bounaughts to molest itt; and am allso of opinion thatt when itt shall be bruited in Spayne thatt these grandes are her Majesties prisoners, thatt itt will devert there purposes, yf they had any, to invade Mounster, for uppon them two, and in especiall uppon Florence, the Spaniards did gronde there hopes in the rest of Irland. Least itt may be thought thatt I did neglect part of my dutie in not soner apprehendinge Florence, having intelligence of his practices in the tymes of his protections, I beseche your Honnour to call to mynd thatt in my former lettres I have acquaynted you thatt his fashion was, evermore before he woulld come unto me to send for a new protection, without any proviso inserted in itt to be answerable for any breache of his former protection, so as every protection was a sufficient savvegard to free him from any offence of an ellder date; for except unto him onelye I never renewed any man's protection since my cominge into Munster, but thatt the partie stood allwayes answereable for all offences comitted from the date of his first protection; a course never helld in Irland but by mysellfe; and by that course I am sure a hundred rebells have bene hanged within this six moneths, by takinge the advantadge of the breache of those protections. Unto some others itt will be thought I have dealt to soone with him; because untill he hathe pleaded his pardon he is nott subiect to restraynt, not havinge broaken his last protection: I coulld have bene content to have forborne him a little longer, but I was sure yf he had gone out of the towne, and the dayes of his puttinge in of sureties expired, thatt he woulld by neu protections, tryfle out the tyme untill the cominge of Spaniards, and yf they came nott, thatt then himselfe would go into Spayne, so as I was enforced ether to loase him, or ells to take the advantadge of the quarrell I did, which I am sure nether discontents, nor dislikes any man here; the worlld beinge fullye possessed thatt his trayterlye practices in the tyme of his protections dothe merritt no favour, and therefore they holld my proceedinge with him to be very just! and favourable beyond, his merrit! in gevinge him the benefitt of her Majesties pardon, whereby his life is secured. James Fitz Thomas is arraygned, and adiudged; I woulld have sent him and Florence this passadge, but I hope every day to heare out of England to know Her Majestie's pleasure; but yf the winde do settle in the west, I will send them presentlye unto Her Majestie; beinge the best presents thatt Mounster affordes. James Mc Thomas, to redeeme his owne lyfe, promises, by his brother John and Pierce Lacye, to gett me Tirone alyve or dead. I have putt him in confident hope thatt uppon thatt service done, thatt the Queene will be gratious unto him; and that I may have the bettre ground to move them to performe the same, I do beseche you thatt I may have a lettre from her Majestie unto me to assure them thatt uppon accomplishinge the service uppon Tirone thatt James Mc Thomas shall be sure to lyve, and be sett at libertie! and thatt his brother John, and Pierce Laceye shall be likewise pardoned. I am promised for £100 to gett Bishoppe Craghe; and for the like sum the Knight of the Valley: ere itt be longe I hope to send you the one or bothe: likewise I am profered, for money, to have Mc William's head in Connaught; but being out of my government I know nott hou to deale in itt. Here is no money; I beseche your Honnour to mediatt for it; So humblye rest, &c.

Now will be a good time for Nicholas Browne to come into Desmond; and he will be a good stay in that wyllde country whether he have a chardge or no; for those parts are very quiet. I have payed the White Knight £400, which uppon my credditt I procured.

G. CAREWE.Cork

Carew to Lord Deputy Mountjoy and the Irish Council, Cork, 22 June 1601.

It may please your Lordships and the rest, I haue latelie proceeded to the triall of the Arch Traitor James Fitz Thomas, by the ordinarye course of law; who now remayneth a prisoner condemned, and readie from me, to answer Her Majestie's discrecion, as she shall please further to determine of him. But sinse, upon such good causes as shall appeare sufficientlye warrantable, I haue alsoe commytted to prison Florence McCartye; againstt whom I am well able to proove, as well bye manye examinations of reduced Traitors, as by letters sent unto him by Tirone, and O'Donnell, and the Spanish Bishopp, that was in Ulster, (all with myself) and by other particular good circumstances approoving the former, that since his coming in uppon protection he desysted not from conspyring again rebellion with Spaine, Ulster Traitors, and to raise new nocious of turmoyles in the harts of these provincials. Tett hath his cunning carriage been such in the management thereof, as I find him screened in his having Her Majesty's pardon, assuring the same unto him without touch!

But in respect of the damage his libertie would work to these Provinces, knowing him, besides, to be the onlie evill instrument now within this province, I do propose to keep him restrayned, and to look no lesse carefullie, and narrowlie to him than unto James Mc Thomas, having resolved to reserve them both in the condicion they be, until I receive Her Majesty's pleasure, to whom, and the Lords I have alreadie particularly related my proceedings with them. And now that I have these two potent Earls (of their own making) both in Her Majestie's hands, although John Mc Thomas should, (taking upon him the title his brother did, and thereuppon endeavour to get new ayds to infest Munster). I doubt the lesse of any accident to work alteration: And besides him I do not know anie one man of the province that is now able with power to raise head against Her Majestie. 83

&c. &c.,
GEORGE CAREWE. At Cork.

Cecil to Carew, 29 June 1601. 84

You shall nowe therefore understand that I am credybly advertysed that Jacques contynually holdeth correspondencey with Captaine Bostocke, who, as my informer tells me, resydeth still in Youghall; the carryer between them is a Frenchman who, they saye, doeth ordynarily passe up and down: because you do best understand the quallity of the man, and can compare the circumstances of his actions with this information, I must referre much to your judgement herein; being, for my own opinion, thus perswaded that yf you could suddenly cause his papers to be seysed and serched, and then his person to be stayed, and well examyned, there will somethinge be founde in his papers, or somethinge pycked out by your examinacion, which may laye open the matter: all which, if it might be done upon some other grounde, it were the better; though rather then not to be don, let it be quacunque via.

Cecil to Carew, 29 June 1601.

June 29, 1601. SIR GEORGE.

The dispatche which Patricke Crosbie brought hath not a little raysed your reputacyon, for I know not how by force or counsell more could have ben performed, which are Her Majesty's own words. Where you have determined to send him over alive Her Majestie allowethe well of your judgement, but especyally in that you ingaged the Provynce in his condemnacion before. Synce I haue receved a lettre from you of your apprehendinge of Florence, in whose case I pray you spare not sending over of any proofes you can, for although Her Majestie is not lykelie to proceed vygorouslie, yet she accounts yt an excellent pledge to haue him safelie sent hither, &c. &c.

I have sent you herewithall a lettre to the White Knight from my Lords, and Her Majestie hath taken notyce of his sonne, that is here with my Lord of Thomond, and hath lette him kisse her handes with very gracious vsage, &c.

Cecil to Carew, August 1601.

After my very hearty commendations to you, Although Her Majesty is now pleased to grant to Mr. Nicholas Brown new letters patents of his lands, and to that end hath written her letters to the Lord Deputy, yet by reason of the Deputy's absence in Ulster, and other the employment of Brown having the conduction of some men to your Lordship his business cannot be so speedily effected at Dublin as need would require, whereby he is like to incur some prejudice if he should lose the fruits of this harvest, and Her Majesty's service receive great hindrance if his castles were possessed by any other, and for that it is known as well to us here, as to your Lordship there, what detriment the poor Gentleman hath already sustained through the defects of his former patent, and the purpose meant for Florence Mc Carty (which now by his manifest misdemeanours is altogether disappointed) I pray your Lordship therefore to take order that he be presently repossessed of all such lands as he was possessed of before this last rebellion, notwithstanding any course taken by Florence against him, and to shew him all other lawful favours for his encouragement to do Her Majesty service, as I know, of yourself you are willing to do, and to hold me

Your very loving and assured friend,
ROBT. CECYLL.

Ps

This seemeth reasonable to me; but if you know any cause contrary you may use it at your discretion.


Carew to the privy council, Cork, 6 August 1601. 85

{} As I am informed, Florence Mc Carty did advise their (the Spaniards) cominge to Corke, as the meetest place unto the which all the Provinciall rebels might best assemble. The consideracion whereof, albeyt my care is equall to all the citties indifferently, yet the defence of this town (for the reasons aforesaid) I do most specially regarde.

Dermot Moyle McCarty brother to Florence (whome likewise I wold have restrayned,) fynding his owne guilt upon the detencion of his brother, is fledd this province, and (as I understand) is gone into Ulster, where as he can do little harme, so when he retorns, I dowt not but to make him to repent his relaps. The stayinge heare thus longe of James Fitz Thomas and Florence McCarty from thence, hath ben occasioned by the employment of the Queenes shipp this moneth already at Limericke, unlading there the munitions aboard her; for that I purpose to employ her for the waftinge of them over, I do now daily expect her retorne, and then will forthwith send them to your Lordships, &c. &c.

GEO. CAREWE.At Cork

Carew to Cecil, 6 August 1601.

Sir,

Dermod Moyle McCarty Florence his brother, ever since his restraynt hathe refrayned to come att me; and, as I heare, is gone into Ulster, but in Munster I am sure he is nott. His mallice to the State and our nacion is no lesse than his brother's, but his abilitie to do harme is very little, and yett he is much vallianter, and wiser then Florence. Yf f he were in hand there is nott a man more in this province that I wolde desire to restrayne, &c. &c.

After I had broken James Mc Thomas forces, and banished his bonies I had my sword over them, (the men of Munster) and might have bene a Tamerlaue amongst them; but then Her Majesties chardges coulld nott have bene eased, nor untoe this liower woulld the same lieve ended. But yf by Her Majestie and the Lords a sharper course shall be thought more convenient I can att all tymes finde just causes of quarrell to prosecute any one thatt I list to plage, and noe better tyme then now, havinge in my possession all the men's pledges thatt are of quallitie, so as I shall nott need to feare any generall revolt, &c.

If they Spaniardes do nott come into Irland, I do verelye beleeve thatt the apprehension of James Fitz Thomas and Florence makes the diversion, for but into Mounster I am perswadeth they cannot be drawne, and now thatt there assistance fayles them, I knowe nott whatt reason they have to come, or what aydes they can hope of.

GEO. CAREWE.Cork

Carew to Cecil, 13 August 1601.

Corke this 13th of August 1601.86

It may please your Honnour, the 6th of this monethe I dispatched a packett unto you, but the wynde served nott to deliver att sea untill the nynthe. In thatt I wrote thatt by the nexte James Fitz Thomas, and Florence Mc Cartie shoulld be sent prisoners into England, which now is done by this bearer Sir Anthonye Cooke, your kinsman, &c. Dermond Moyle Mc Cartie, as I did write in my former lettres, is gone into Ullster; but since am advertised thatt his brother Florence did advise him unto it, to drawe Ullster men into Mounster; to rayse a new rebellion, hopinge thatt to appease the rebellion begonne by Dermond his brother, he shall be enlardged. Tyrrell the old rebell is come out of Ullster into Connaught, with 500 Rogues, with a purpose to come for Mounster, as Sir Francis Barkley writes; unto whome Dermond Moyle is resorted to persuade his speedier cominge, &c. The three gentlemen which I lately restrayned, viz Dermond Mc Owen, Teig Mc Cormocke, and O'Mahon; the first is a gentleman of great land, of Florence's surname, his cousin german in blood, and maried to his cousin german; the second, likewise of his surname and maried to his sister, and the third his aunt's sonne: by their restraynts his brother Dermond will want the helpe he expected.

I have formerlye sent unto you, from tyme to tyme, such things as concerned Florence Mc Cartie; but because these papers may chaunce to be missinge, with these I send unto your Honnour the originalls of sundry lettres directed unto him, and a great many of examinations; the examinatt's names, except itt be uppon necessitie, I wishe might be concealed, for ells there lyves may perhappes be taken in revendge, which would discouradge others to reveale the like hearafter; but yf itt be needfull to make them knowne, it were bettre thatt they did undergoe his mallice then the matter shoulld want proofe. Those letters written from James Mc Thomas unto him were sent unto me by himsellfe, to disguise his treasons, for att the same tyme, and evermore, (as James Mc Thomas confesses unto me, he did, in like sorte, show my lettres written unto himself) unto him: he will sware damnablye thatt he was ever in hart a subject, and thatt which he did was but to temporize with the enemye to save his people, (as he terms them) from ruininge; and likewise ascribes unto himsellfe thatt he, did banishe the buonies out of Mounster; but these particular examinations now sent, iustified by divers nott knowinge one of another, and the lettres directed unto him approves his treasonable hart; and as for the banishing of the buonies, he was the last man in Mounster thatt did continew buonies in pay; yf there be any scruple thatt may seeme doubtfull in the examinations, lett me understand of itt, and I will make itt evident. I do likewise send you the examinations of James Fitz Thomas; he can say little of any worthe, being but a dull spirited traytor, and understandinge no more of his owne business then by his counsyle was put into him, &c. &c.

Before Sir Anthony with his chardge do com to London I humblye pray you to send a direction whither he shall carry them, thatt they may be disposed of to their Lordships' likinge. So humbly rest

Yours Honor's humbly to serve you,
GEORGE CAREWE.Corke

Cecil to Carew, 10 September 1601.

Nowe I must touche what happened synce my last of our newes of Spain, and the examynacion of Desmonde and Florence.

For Desmonde I fynd him more dyscreet then I haue hard of hym, and for Florence the same which I ever expected, which is a malycious vayne ffoole. When he came to be examyned he pryncipally and absolutely denyed that he had don anything in the begynning, but that which he had warrant to doe from the Commissioners in Munster tyll he had recovered his countrye; and that for the combynacyon with Spanyards it should never be proved, especially that particular concerning his writing to the Pope, when Tyrone was in Munster, or at any tyme. In which poynt James Mc Thomas being confronted with him dyd not directly mayntayne it that he had seen his hande, but that he was privy to their consultatyons; and that O'Kegan, when he came for his hand, told him Florence shold joyne to; mayntayning it there resolutely that whether he wrytt or no, he was present at all the counsells, and gave his full consent. He likewise contesteth agaynst the report that anie message he should send by the White Knight's daughter; and for the dissuading of Thomas Oge, (to surrender the Castle of Castle Maing) pretendeth that you were not discontented with it, because you could have been content it should have ben his act.

To be short, he makes it verye merytorious to have delyvered Tyrone's packetts to you, and I perceaue will draw in all his crymes so farre within the reache of his pardon, as we must only make him a prysouer by discrecion, and prayse you for your dyscrecion to put it within our power. And so hathe the Queene willed me to wryte unto you. Of the Spaniards purposes I interrogated them; Desmonde affirmes that they meant to come for Lymericke; but Florence would needes have it that they intended rather for Callaway, wherein I assure you I join with hym, being a place nearer to receaue correspondency from the Rebells then to come into Munster, where their party was broken, and where the Northern Traytors are so farre removed from them, &c.

From the Court at Ahlermeston, Sir Humphrey Foster's House,

John Meade, mayor of Cork to Carew, lord president of Munster, 21 September 1601.

Right Honourable. This very hower about six a clock in the afternoon of this day being the 21st of September came a post to me from Kinsale, aduertising of 55 shippes seen this afternoon hard by the Old Head of Kinsale, which I suspect are our enemies; and the wind serves them well for this harbour or Kinsale, and so in hast,

J. MEADE, Maior.

Meade to Carew, 23 September 1601.

Amonge their men is one Teige McCartey, and one Farsinge, whome in my memoire, hath served Florence McCarthy; my harte wisheth your speedie returne.

Among them is one Cormac McFinin (MacCarthy) a chief leader.

Sir John Dowdall to Secretary Cecil, 23 September 1601.

Uppon their arrivall they specially demanded for Florence Mac Carthy.

They demanded where Florence McCarthy was, and James Fitz Thomas; the Sovereign answered they were in the Tower of London; upon which answer the man turned back again to his General.

Ormond to the privy council, 24 September 1601.

This Cormac McFinin Carty named in the Mayor's letter is said to be Florence McCarthy's servant: and Don Morrice is Cousin Germain to the late Earl of Desmond, who was slain in his rebellion in the time of my government in Munster [1583].

Christopher Galway, examined by the Mayor of Waterford, says that on board the Spanish ships are, Archer, the Spanish Archbishop of Dublin, Darby McCarthy, and Cormac McCarthy, who are called Captains.

Henry Power to Cecil, 7 November 1601.

Donell (Dermot Moyle) McCarthy Florence's brother is guide of the forces under Tirrell sent by Tirone, they will be 4000 men at their joining.

Carew to Cecil, 23 December 1601.

Don Juan de Aguila was lately hurt in the face with a splinter of a stone broken with a great shot, the wound not great. The Spaniards discipline the Carbry rebells after their maimer, and arm them with corselets, with taces down to the knee. As yet no other septs of the Irishry of Munster are in rebellion but the Carties, and their followers, and the chief among them is Florence's brother, and cousin germains. If he had been now at liberty he would have had above 3000 to have followed him, whereas all that are yet joined with Tirone are not above 500 at the uttermost. In my former letters I wrote unto you that Don Dermucio Cartie, a servante of Florence's, was taken, and since executed. Of late we understand that Don Carlos Cartie, another of Florence's followers, and a captain, is dead of a wound received in the great sally upon our artillery the 2d of this present.

Carew to Cecil, 28 December 1601.

I thank God that James Fitz Thomas and Florence are in England; they were the heads of the English and Irish in Monster, and upon them two the whole province would have relied, and no doubt but a general defection would have ensued, by the example whereof it is very probable that the other provinces, in the like manner, would have taken example, for the corruption of this kingdom is universal, and it is a rare matter to find a loyal subject in it. I have in Corke Irish letters sent unto Florence from Tirone and others, which will confirm his former treasons, wherewith your honor is already acquainted; when I may have a time to start thither I will send them unto you. As yet in Munster there is none gone into rebellion, but Florence's kinsmen, and followers, and those which in former times did ruin his fortune. In the king's pay that are entertained there is O'Sullevan Beare, who hath 200 foot, Donogh McCarty 100, his brother Florence 120, O'Donevan 100, and Felim McCarthy 100, in all 620.

Carew to Cecil, 14 January 1602.

In a letter of yours to my Lord Deputy you write that your fingers in England tickle to hang James Fitz Thomas: for a little while it were not, in my opinion, unwise to spare him. His brother is now in the province not followed by many, which I think grows out of a respect which the followers have in harming him in the Tower; but when this petty rebellion in Munster is extinguished, to make him there a fair example were no errour, &c. &c.

GEO. CAREWE.

Lord Deputy Mountjoy and the Irish Council to the Privy Council, 14 January 1602.

{}As your Lordships haue directed, upon notice of the decrease of the Erle of Desmon, the company allowed for him is discharged; save what yt hath pleased you to continue to the Archbushop of Casshell, the Erles sisters, and John Power.

William Power to Sir Robert Cecil, 17 January 1602.

{}And least my lettres haue not come to your Honours hands, and that the best freind I had, the young Earl of Desmond (whom yourr Honour had raised) is lately dead (as it is credebly reported) so as nowe I am altogether destitute of any freind there to countenance my honest desart, &.

The late unfortunat young Earle of Desmond hath left here four poore sisters; the Lady Roche best able of them, but of meane estate, to live; and the rest, albeit having some annuity of Her Majesty, yet for the smalenes thereof are much distressed, without any other friend or meanes to help them. You have been a father unto him (as himself often told me) and I think your Honour should add much to your immortall fame, tobe so unto them procuring Hir Majesty's most gracious goodnes towards them for their reasonable matching there, or here.

Cork

Your Honour humble dependant
William POWER.

Carew to the privy council, 22 January 1602.

It may please Your Lordships,

Understanding that the sons of Sir Owen McCarty, and Donogh Reagh McCarty brother to Florence in the Tower, had retired out of Beare into the strength of Carbery with their creates and followers, to the number of 400 fighting men, I commanded this bearer Captain Taafe with the 400 of the Rising out, together with his own troop of horse, and 400 of Sir Edward Wingfield's foot, to draw into those parts, and to endeavour the best service he could upon them, whilst the other forces were busied in Beare; wherein it pleased God to give him good successe; for the 5th of this present his foot entering their fastness these Carties before remembered gave them a good skirmishe, and put his men in route, whereof many of them were slain; which he seeing, being with his troup upon the skert of the woods, charged them into the same, and slew four horsemen of theirs; whereat their foot amazed, fled; which Owen McEggan (the Pope's Nuncio, and his Bishop of Ross) perceiving with a drawn sword in one hand and his Portas (his Breviary) and Beads in the other, with 100 men led by himself, came up to the sword, where he was slain. Sir Owen McCarty's sons who formerly had been humble suitors unto me to be protected, and were refused, did now again importune to be received unto the Queen's mercy; at which time Captain Taafe, not knowing of the good success that our forces had in Beare, and having formerly received instructions from me, after a blow given them, to receive them if it were humbly sought, did accept of their submissions, and hath brought them with Donogh Reagh, Florence's Brother, to me, by which means all the whole country of Carbery, being the largest scope of land of any Lordship in Munster, is clearly reduced, and at this hour no one Traitor remaining in action in it, &c. &c. Touchinge Cormocke McDermond his treasons are manifest, more odious, and more in number than Florence McCartie's. I beseech your Honor that his son at Oxford may be restrained; he is a youth of great expectation among the Irish, (elsewhere he says his father loved him as his own life) and will be exceedingly followed; and being at liberty would prove as dangerous a Traitor as the father, &c.

Carew to Cecil, 31 January 1602.

It may please your honour. This poor gentlewoman the lady Ellen, the daughter and heir of the earl of Clancarty, and the unfortunate wife of Florence, having obtained the Lord Deputy's license for her repair into England, hath desired my letters in her favour to your honour, that inasmuch as her father's living is now in Her Majesty's disposition, and not accrued to Her Highness by any attainder or other disloyal means, but by his own meer gift and surrender, and that she hath ever withstood, and repugned (as much as in her lay) the undutiful courses of her husband, your honour would be pleased therefore to be a mean to Her Majesty for some competent living for her towards her maintenance; being no longer than during her life, and the state of her father's lands to Her Majesty being perpetual, which I humbly beseech your honor to vouchsafe her, the rather that I do know, not only that which she suggesteth to be true, but also have ever found her very faithfully, and truly affected to the state, and willing to give the best furtherance to Her Majesty's service that she could, either by intelligence or by any other means, as by Patrick Crosbie (who is well acquainted with all that concerneth her cause) can at large be declared unto your honor. And so I humbly leave her to your honourable consideration and remain ever as I am bound

Your honor's most humble ready to serve you
GEORGE CAREWE.Cork,

Carew to Cecil, 13 April 1602.

The bonies in Munster do begin to shake, thinking that now I am at leisure to hunt them: divers of them make suit unto me to have my pass to depart the province; which courtesy I will not deny a Devil that is weary of my company; and when they return to their dwellings, let every particular Governor look to his charge! for I will forbear no means unsought to rid my government of strangers.

Even as I was writing this letter Dermond Moyle McCartie, Florence's brother sent to the Bishop of Cork to entreat me to receive him into the Queen's mercy; but he is a wicked traitor, yet the Queen can get nothing by him, for, as I think, he has no inheritance; to kill or take him will be difficult; but I am sure he shall not long live in Munster, which is but an ease for a time; for upon every occasion banished men return and make new fires; the best way to root out such rebels is large rewards; for a good bag will perform more service than the sword upon such fugitive traitors; but of the Queen's purse I dare not be too bold. Donell McCartie, bastard son unto the Earl of Clancar, upon the arrival of the Spaniards assumed unto himself the name of McArtie More, now finding his hopes to fail him, makes humble suit to be received to mercy, and promiseth that if the Queen would bestow upon him the lands which once she assigned to his portion (which by her letters she willed to be assured to himl he would quiet all Desmond; which were a good service, for to appease it by force will be very difficult, by reason of the nature of the country, which is all mountainous; and when he is humbled, and the country in subjection it will be very little beneficial to the Queen; for no Englishmen will dwell in it. The letters he had were taken from him in a house, which he had, by Florence McCartie; wherefore if his motion be liked of, I beseech you to cause searches to be made for the copies of it, in the Counsell book, or with the clerks of the signet; he hath not an acre of land to loose, and the prosecution of him will be chargeable to the queen; upon his reduction all the buonies will presently depart; but I dare not deal in this business, or receive him until I have direction out of England, lest I should offend, whereof I am fearful, so rest

Your honours all wholly as you have bound me,
GEORGE CAREWE.

Carew to Cecil, 13 April 1602.

O'Sullevan, as Crosbye can tell you, was the inwardest with Florence, of any man in Ireland; his wife will confess no less unto you, and she hath said (which I know she will not deny) that he was the worst counsellor that her husband and had to incite him to treasons; but I must confess unto your honour I did not then believe her, nor hitherto was I ever deceived in any man of Ireland birth but himself, for I took him to be one of the honestest men in this realm: Such another Simon I never saw, nor a more smooth, perfidious, dissembling knave. let your honour be assured that I will plague him soundly, &c. 87

Carew to Cecil, 29 May 1602.

Kerry and Desmond are wholly reduced, which happened by a good blow which Sir Chas. Willmott trave O'sulevan More, whose son and heir, Florence's nephew, was then in action. This service was performed by the help of one of Osulevan's men's brothers called Dermond Osulevan, and Donell McCartie, bastard son to the Earl of Clancare, he took out of his country 5,000 cows which hath made Osulevan's son unable any more to give any bonaght, as he did, and utterly wasted that country; the reason that moved Dermond Osulevan to draw this draught, and Donell McCartie to join in it, was the fear the one had that I would hang his son, which was his pledge in Castellmayne; and the hope the other hath that her Majesty will be pleased to give him the 28 plowlauds which she gave him at his being in England, and afterwards taken from him by Florence McCartie. In my opinion the queen may do well to bestow that rough and mountainous land upon him, unfit for our honest men to dwell upon; and I find him honestly inclined to live a subject, who when he is a rebel will at all times be able to carry 1000 men at his heels, to do mischief, and I do verily believe that that small portion of land, which was his father's, will continue him loyal, whereby all Desmond will be contained in obedience. I am sure he will be a suitor for it in England, in the which I wish him good success, for I know it will prove beneficial to the service. Dermond Moyle McCartie the thirteenth of this month was slain by some of O'donovan's men commanded by Fynin McCartie his cousin-german. McCartie Reoghe came also unto the ending of the fight; the cause of his mischance was the carrying away of certain cows from McCartie Reoghe tenants, which was followed by Fynin McCattie, one of Sir Owen McCartie's sons; and in the first encounter Dermond Moyle was shot; whereupon his men fled, and on both sides not above twelve men hurt and killed; now that he is dead every one strives to have thanks for it, which I plentifully bestow upon them; but I assure you they were sorry for it, which appears by concealing his body, in forswearing that they cannot tell where he is buried; fearing (as indeed I pretended) that I would send his head to Corke. Florence will seem to be glad that his brother is gone and will not stick to swear it; but thus far let my credit prevail with you, that Dermond was his greatest hope to work his enlargement, by doing mischief in Ireland; he had a far better wit, more valiant, and of loose men better beloved and followed than Florence; and by him Florence hoped to establish his fortune both when he was a rebel, and since he was a prisoner, &c., &c.

'The re-examination of Ellyn-ny-Connor vic Fyneen, taken before me the President of Munster; who &c., sayeth', 19 July 1602.

That the King wrote into Munster by the Patache, but two letters, one of them to O'Sulyvan, the other to Dermot Moel McCarty, Florence's brother; but because Dermot was slain, Owen McLigan, who brought the letters, kept Dermott's letter. What was written by the king to other men she knoweth not, nor yet the contents of those two letters aforesaid.

That the Conde of Cara¸ena, (who by the Irish is called Earl of the Groyne) did also write unto O'Sulyvan; but what it contained, or whether he wrote any more letters, she knoweth not.

That Ellyn ny Donnough (wife to Dermot Moel McCarty) is gone into Spain to be a suitor unto the King for relief, in consideration that her husband was slain in his service.

GEORGE CAREWE.

Florence McCarthy to Cecil, Tower of London, August 1602.

It may please your Honor.

I have of late delivered Mr. Lieutenant a letter to your Honor, wherein I did partly acquaint you with mine opinion concerning Ireland, whereof my discoursing with him brought me to remember an important piece of service that may be done for Her Majesty, which I am, and was ever, willing to perform, as appeared hitherto by my works, and now by all that I can think, or study.

Having, as soon as I was able to carry arms, served Her Majesty against the old Earl of Desmond, with three hundred men at mine own charges; with which, and with one English Company, I chased him out of the strengths of Desmond into his own waste country, where all his people were driven to forsake him; himself being kept afterwards by Gory Mc Swinye, until some of my men killed the said Gory, whereby the Earl was killed within a week after. Upon due information of which services, Her Majesty hath not only bestowed a thousand marks in money, and one hundred marks a year upon me, but also showed me ever that favour, and countenance that gave me more contentment than any reward; since which time no man can say that I have spent my time, followed or sought anywhere, but to Her Majesty and the State here; mine unwillingness to go into Ireland last, being well known to your Honor and to Sir John Stanhope; where, upon my landing, without charge or means to do service, I have, by the advice, and warrant of such as governed there then, allured from the rebels some of their best companies, which I joined with as many of my own as were furnished; none else acknowledging Her Majesty; and maintaining forces in the country abroad then, when all the English Companies, nor her greatest subjects there, durst not enter Desmond, upon all that country people and seven hundred Connaught buonies I recovered with five hundred, in spite of all the rebels, that strongest country they had, and overthrew all those forces that assisted, and joined with James and the rest upon all occasions, which wild unruly people and buonies of that country that I found in action, I contained ever since from helping, aiding, or assisting the rebels anyway.

Afterwards the Lord President, presently on his coming, having written very earnestly for me—although myself and my country was in the power of Connaught buonies, and that I knew nothing could make me more odious to them, and endanger my life, or my leading a prisoner to Tireowen, then to go to him—yet knowing it to be beneficial to Her Majesty's service, I came to him presently, because it would be thought, otherwise, that I had favoured the rebels, which would make others to stick to them, and join with them, whereas by trusting myself into the Lord President's hands upon his letter, it did assure all men there, that I was for Her Majesty, and encouraged all the rest to come in, and trust his Lordship; where having satisfied, and assured him of my best endeavours for Her Majesty, when he told me that nothing was better for Her Highness' service, then to put the Connaught men out of Munster, I cassired presently three or four hundred of them that I had; and endeavoured ever since to drive them all away, by making war upon them when he came from Limerick against James Mc Thomas and the rest; whereby they could not take entertainment of James, nor help him; and while he was in hand with James and the rest of the rebels, I wrote still to him of their weakness, assuring him that he should have no resistance, and that I would vex the Connaught men on the other side, and contain all my country people and neighbours from aiding or assisting them; caused also my nephew O'Connor of Kerry to deliver his Lordship, the use of his Castle for Her Majesty's service, which was his best means to weaken James Mc Thomas, and the lord Fitz Morice, and drive them out of their countries; and his bridge, by the which he sent a garrison into Kerry.

After the coming of which garrison, whereby I had their help to defend me, I came to him myself, and delivered him mine eldest son as he desired; and having had Her Majesty's protection renewed unto me about a month before my commitment, which I have ready to show, without any clause to hinder it by my pardon, or anything else, together with my pardon that was brought to me within four or five days after, whereby they would help me if I had offended; yet because I kept myself in the rebellion, and ever since, in such sort as no matter can be found against me, I am contented to refuse, and renounce the benefit of my said pardon and protection, if ever I have joined, by word or deed with Tireowen, James Mc Thomas, or any of the rebels, or helped, aided, or assisted, any of them; or if ever in all my life, myself or any other for me, to my knowledge, wrote anything beyond the seas, or was ever privy to any practices thither, or from thence; which I have already, in like sort, renounced before your Honor, at my commitment hither, knowing not then that the chief commanders of the Spaniards that came afterwards, and such of my country as came with them, should fall into the hands of the State there, out of whom had been wrested and informed hyther, if I had anything to do with them.

As all which services, carriage, and offer (no matter also being against me) are sufficient proofs of my loyalty, so shall your Honor find that my daily study now in this calamity, to do Her Majesty service, and mine endeavour here hence to procure more, and better service to be done—if I may have scope first to work it, and when it is to be done, some show of favour to put my friends in hope of future favour, and to encourage them to do for me—shall as well, or better, satisfy Her Majesty and your Honor for it for ever after.

And for the service whereof I wrote now last, which concerns the importantest place in Ireland, where the Spaniards could neither be besieged, nor beaten out of it, which is the city of Limerick, where father Archer was in the last rebellion, and had taught him, by some of that city, a sure and secret way to surprise the Castle of Limbrik that commands the north gate, and bridge of the inner, and strong part of that city, by the which one may bring as many as he will into the city; which way to surprise it, with all other circumstances concerning the same, I have acquainted Mr. Lieutenant withal, and delivered him a note thereof for your Honor, which I was very glad to remember, for Her Majesty's sake, because father Archer being now in Spain, it will be the first thing that he will propound, and his chiefest motive to bring them; but now I have taught your Honor to prevent that danger, which is not the chiefest service that I am minded, and most desirous to cause to be performed for Her Majesty, nor any other, but that which may be done against Tireowen's own person; who at my last being here, hath not only caused all the buonies that he sent into Munster to create a skurvie kearne, that is said to be my wife's base brother, Lord of my country, and to establish him in the possession thereof, but also, when he came into Munster himself, would presently employ all the Connaught buonies that were there with the said bastard, to dispossess me, until, with much ado, Maguyre, that was O'Donell's cousin germain, and other gentlemen of the north, for O'Donell's sake, with all the gentry of Munster that were there, got him to stay until they sent for me; and being come to parley with him, upon all the assurance that could be devised, when he saw that no persuasion, nor offers that he could make me, could procure me to deliver him my son for a pledge to be in his action, he did not only countenance the said bastard to quarrel with me, and call me still before him a 'damned counterfeited Englishman, whose only study and practise was to deceive and betray all the Irishmen in Ireland;' but also the best conditions that could be obtained for me was to leave that bastard possessed of the two best castles in my country, and to stand to the order of bishop Mc Cragh, and others with him, for the Signorie thereof; with which, nor with any thing else he would not be (have been) satisfied, until he had dispossessed me for him altogether, if he were not (had not been) driven to depart suddenly, upon advertisement that the Earls of Ormond and Thomond gathered great forces to meet him.

For the compassing of which service against his person I do not think that any hath better means and knowledge, nor men of better ability and sufficiency to perform it than myself; wherof none, nor none other of the birth of Ireland, in mine opinion, is so sufficient for the performance thereof as Morogh Nymart, who without exception is the most exercised commander, and of greatest skill, experience, and reputation, for that country's wars of any mere Irishman. He is my foster-brother, son to my foster-father, that was chief commander of my father's footmen. When I was committed hither before he fled into the north; where being followed by some four hundred soldiers, he served old O'Neyle, for whom he gave Tireowen a great overthrow at Carriglyeh; afterwards he maintained O'royrk in his country for awhile; and understanding of my enlargement served Sir Richard Byngham, who sent him, and his soldiers, pardoned, into their country; he, and a younger brother of his that keeps a hundred men about him also, are now, as I hear, joined with O'swlivan-bere. I am persuaded, if I had knowledge how things stand there, and sufficient messengers to employ about it, I might get Captain Terel and his buonies cut off, or beaten out of Munster; but because I do not think him a man of any great moment, and that it would be a hindrance to the other service of greater importance, I do not think it best for the Queen, knowing that if I procure Morogh ny-mart and such others as I think good, to go into the north this winter, and work the rest to come in, that Terel and his buonies will not stay there: for the effecting of this service that I do intend, I must presently send for messengers of those that are best learned and spoken in that language, and of special trust, credit and authority, to persuade any gentlemen; which country hath two sorts of people that are of greatest ability, and authority to persuade that country gentlemen, which of all other sorts, and sexes, doth most distaste and mislike the State, and government of England; whereof the one, which are the priests, are by no means to be trusted with my service for Her Majesty; of the other, which are the Rimers, some may be trusted only by those gentlemen whose followers they are by lineal descent, and of whom depends their living; of which sort I will employ one of special trust and sufficiency for the ejecting of this service.

I wrote in my last letter to your Honor myne opinion, that the Spaniards will come into Ireland; but I do not assure myself of their coming this harvest, because I am persuaded they will endeavour, by reason of their experience there last, to come stronger, and with more means, which will hardly be provided but with time. Also O'donell, that hears daily how things stand in Ireland, understanding that Tireowen and the rest kept themselves hitherto, will not perhaps be very earnest now to hasten them. Knowing the advantage that rebels have to help themselves in winter, when all kind of flesh there is in season; the nights long, the rivers flowing, and the weather cold and rainy; and if, as I think, they will conclude to come for the north and Connaught, I am persuaded they will endeavour to bring gallies; which, as they know, and as Odonell will tell them, will be very necessary, and available for them, both for the shallow bays about Gallway, and all the islands there about, and to beat away the garrison of Loughfeavyll, and command that arm of the sea betwixt Ireland and Scotland, whereby they may have what they will from thence; but now they can hardly bring, nor use gallies, knowing by experience how subject to storms that coast is henceforward; which may make them take the beginning of summer, both to bring and to use gallies all that season for their first, and necessariest services, and also to provide more means and forces in the mean time.

It may be also that Don John del Agila who is, perhaps, a wise man, and a skilful commander! learned much of the state of that country at his last being there, and weighed what forces came against him, and what oversight hindered him, and viewed Cork, and saw the weakness thereof; whereby he knows if he come upon the sudden thither, with any good forces, that he will hardly be kept out; as also that if he have Cork, not only Youghill and Kinsale will be his presently, but also the Lord Barry, who dwells near it upon a Neck of that haven, and his country along the haven up to the gates thereof, and Cormuk McDermod, whose country comes to the gates also, and dwells within three miles thereof, together with Mc Carthy Reogh, the Lord Roch, and Mc Donogh, whose countries are within eight or ten miles thereof, and John Fitz Edmonds that dwells upon that haven, besides many others that dwell thereby, must all, with their countries and people, be subjects to him; the knowledge whereof, by his last being there, may haply induce him to come for Cork in the beginning of winter; imagining that the weather then will be unseasonable, and discommodious for any fleets or forces to be sent here hence; that besides the discommodities of winter for such a purpose, especially in that country, the lord Deputy hath neither town, country, or any other means or succour, to besiege him, nearer than Waterford or Limerick; and that in the spring his succour will be as ready to relieve him as any other to annoy him; which is all that I can guess, or think, of their proceedings; and if I can hear anything that may help me to guess, or judge what course they are like to take, I will advertise your Honor thereof; in the meantime, wishing, as I have been heretofore the chiefest causer of cutting off the Earl of Desmond, that I may be now the chiefest procurer of cutting off this greatest traitor; beseeching God to preserve and prosper your Honor.

I rest ever,
Your Honor's most humble & bounden,
ffloR McCARTHY.

Ps

[Endorsed:] To the Right Honourable his very approved friend Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, Principal Secretary to the Queen's most excellent Majesty and of her Higness' most honorable Privy Council, &.


Sir Robert Cecil to Carew, on receipt of above letter, circa August 1602.

You shall understand that Florence MacCarthy of late hath been very desyrous to write to me, of whose wordes, though I know well what accompt to make, yett I thought it nott amisse to send you a coppye of that I receaued, because you may see how probably the witty knave can argue. 88

'The demands Of Sir John Peyton, Lieutenant Of Her Majesty's Tower Of London, For One Quarter, From St. Michael's Day, 89 1602, till the Feast of the Birth of Our Lord God, next:—'

Florence McCarthy,

For the diett and charges of Florence McCarthy for the foresaid 12 weeks and 8 days, at 53shillings 4d. per week .......£33 6shillings 8d.

For his washing, and to the Barber, for Apparel, and other necessaries .......£7 13shillings 6d.

Item for Physicke, Surgeon, and one to attend him in his sicknesse .......£8 17shillings 3d.

For James Mc Thomas,

Sayd tyme at £3 per week, Physicke, Sourgeon, and Watcher with him in his lunacy. 90

Letter to Sir George Carew, 16 December 1602.

From the Lords to the President of Mounster.

And first touchinge the enlargement of the children of Florence Mac Carthy, Dermott Moyle (Florence's Brother) and Pierce Lacy, which children were first restrayned as pledges for the loyaltie and subjection of their said fathers. For as much as the cause of their imprisonment is for the most part now removed, and the danger cleared (the one of the said fathers being in the Tower and the other two slaine in actual rebellion) you shall understand that Her Majestie is well pleased, the rather for ease of her charge (unlesse you find other cause to detain them) that they shall be enlarged uppon good securitie to be taken to Her Majestie's use, as well of some Lordes, or Cheefe Gentlemen of the countrie that are of power to restrain their insolences, if when they come to age they should follow the steppes of their fathers, or attempt anie thing prejudicial to the State, as alsoe of some marchante or inhabitant of Corporate Townes that are meniable to the lawes. &c. &c. &c.

Presentment voluntarily made by Robert Atkinson before a notary public, circa 1603/4. 91

That at his Majesty last being at Hampton, where he was a suitor, he saw one called Father Archer, a Jesuit, alight from his horse whereupon he was well mounted, at the Earl of Tirone's lodgings at Kingston, whom he forthwith saw introduced by one of the Earl's servants, and conducted up to his lodging wherein his Lord then was, and thither Archer often afterwards frequented, as he had formerly done at the Earl's being lodged at Chelsea; somewhiles following the Earl to Court, and in company keeping of those Irish Knights and gentlemen which are in the Tower, and Sir Christopher Plounkit, Sir Edward Fitz Gerald, and others of that nation, in divers kinds of apparel, sometimes like a courtier, and otherwhiles like a farmer, or chapman of the country. Him he well knew in Ireland, where he saw him as chief commander over the Irish troops of rebels, horse and foot; for his own guard commanding as many as himself pleased, and for any murders, burnings, spoils, or other bloody actions that were to be exploited upon any of the English nation or favourers of the English government; called commonly the Pope's Legate, and Arch Priest over all others in the Provinces of Leinster and Minister; and also the ONeill's, or of others called Tyrone's, confessor, as he had been the Arch Duke's confessor of Austria; and in England is said to be the Earl's massing priest, daily to execute his function of a Jesuit for masses, absolution and such like, as for others the Knights and Irish gentlemen with whom he is conversant however near unto the King's court they may happen to be lodged.

At Kingston also he often saw in company of the before named Knights and gentlemen in the Tower, and that are their countrymen at liberty, a secular priest called Father Hussey, well horsed and in their company, with feathers in his hat, as gallantly attired as any knight in the court; for whose apprehension the Hon. George Hume, Chancellor and Treasurer of the Exchequer, directed a warrant to one William Atkinson, a kinsman of this relaters, howbeit this relater for some friendly respects he bare unto some of the Knights in whose companies it was intended he should have been apprehended (whereof there might have occurred discredit and trouble), gave such forewarning thereof to one of the Knights as he escaped.

Archer is in stature somewhat tall, black, and in visage long and thin, born in Kilkenny.

Record of payment to Sir Thomas Vavasour, knight marshal of James I's Household, 2 March 1604 [Pell Records]. 92

Second of March by order 26 February 1604. To Sir Thomas Vavasour Knight Marshal of his Highness' Household the sum of £248 for the diets of Sir Anthony Standon, Florence McCarty, and George Gwynne, late prisoners in the Tower, and from thence removed, and committed to his charge, at several rates and times, according to a certificate under the hand of the said Knight Marshal. By writ dated 24 May 1604.

Lord Buttevant to Cecil, Barrycourt, 2 March 1604.

My most honorable Lord, I have briefly written to your Honour how that I despair to benefit myself by his Majesty's favour extended towards me by your Lordship's means for a lease of the lands of Dermod Meah Mc Cartie and Fynynn Mc Owen; for divers do oppose themselves against His Majesty's title to the same, especially Mc Carty Reoghe, who now intendeth to repair thither, hoping by some means to frustrate the good courses here taken in that behalf; for by my means, and to my charges of three hundred livres in buying of evidences & otherwise, an office hath been found for his Majesty of a good deal of land as yet in the possession of the said Mc Cartie and others. But I hope that as your Honor hath been the mean for me in obtaining of my suit in that behalf, so now you will prevent Mc Cartie in obtaining any thing there in prejudice of his Majesty's right; but referred to follow his suits here, as shall be agreeable to ordinary courses of law. I have a bordering neighbour (I mean Sir John Fitz Edmonds) who is now intended to make a surrender of all those lands which he possesseth (amounting to the number of three plowlands) to his Majesty, only to defraud such as have best right to those lands; and among the rest meaneth to have part of my ancient inheritance passed; wherefore I beseech your Honour to be a mean that every man's right be always saved; otherwise great inconveniences might arise, and a number of ancient English gentlemen prevented of their right. We have here a daily expectation that by your honorable means there will be a reformation of the extortion of Government's troops, soldiers, Sheriffs and cessors, who do altogether impoverish his poor kingdom, and commonwealth, and that His Majesty will be pleased to take some other course for the better establishing thereof, to the increase of his Highness' revenues. Which, leaving to your honorable regard, With the remembrance of my humble duty I do evermore remain

Ready to do your Honor every service
BARRY BUTTEVANTE.

Ps

To the Honourable my very good Lord the Lord Cycell, Principal Secretary to the King's most excellent Majesty and one of his Highness' most honorable Privy Council.

Lord Barry to my Lord from Barry Court.


Summary of proceedings at court in favour of Lady Ellen McCarthy, 21 June 1604. 93

An annuity of £150 per. annum to the Lady Ellen Mc Carthy daughter to the Earl of Clan Carthy in Ireland, during her life, provided that the payment hereof do not begin before certain letters patents of £100 annuity granted her by the late Queen be first cancelled, and that annuity of £100 presently to cease, and this to begin from the Annunciation last.

King's Letter.

To grant to Elline Cartie daughter and sole Heiress of the last Earl of Clancarthy, without fine, part of the lands of the said Earl, not yet in charge, and not 13 quarters of land in extent; to hold for life with remainder to Teige MacCarthy her son and heir apparent, and his heirs males, like remainder toher other three sons, Donal, Cormac, and Finin; the reversion to remain on the Crown. 94

16 April 4th of James Ist.

Grant of James I to Donal base son of the Earl of Clancar, 1605.

From Patent Rolls of James Ist. Grant of the King to Donal Mac Carthy, natural son of the late Earl of Clancar, of Castle Logh & with remainder to Donell his reputed son, and his heirs males, for his late services and loyaltie, recommended by our late President of Munster. 95

Ordered to give him all lands left him by his late Father, 28 Ploughlands, all of which the late Queen Elizabeth granted to him by Patent of 21 June 1598. Also together with the Castle Loghie 7 ploughlands, thereunto adjoining, with remainder & to his reputed son Donal borne before marriage. 96

Report of Carew and Wilbraham, 2 July 1606.

Lord Carew, Lord Chief Justice, Sir Roger Wilbraham, concerning Donnell Mc Arty.

May it please your Lordships, We have examined the petition of Donel Mc Carty [Donal-na-Pipi] touching his offer to surrender the country of Carbry to his Majesty, and to accept the same by letters patents, to hold the same by English tenure of His Majesty.

We have also considered of many objections made against his suit by Florence Mc Carty now prisoner, and upon consideration hereof we are of opinion That it is not inconvenient for His Majesty to accept a surrender, and to grant the same by His Majesties letters patents, (receiving some small rent for an acknowledgement) to hold by Knight's Service in Capite, by one whole Knight's fee, and hereby to extinguish the custom of Tanestry.

Yet because the country of Carbry offered to be surrendered, as the pretended inheritance of the petitioner, is a large territory; wherein we are of opinion there are, or have been, divers freeholders, and many of them have by attainders forfeited their estates to the Crown, and some other have sold their rights to others, and yet out of some of these not grown to the crown the petitioner and his predecessors may have rightfully some rents and duties, We think it meet before the petitioners surrender be accepted, That by indifferent commissioners and jurors there be a presentment in Ireland, what lands, duties lawful and sufferable services the petitioner hath in them in demesne or service, and what belongeth to His Majesty or other freeholders; and upon return thereof, (certified of records, whereby each parties right may appear) then, and not before, we think convenient to accept the petitioner's surrender, and to grant to him, and the heirs males of his body, such portions of lands, and other duties, and lawful services as by presentment shall be found to be the petitioner's right (not being His Majesties nor growing out of His Majestie's lands or escheats, or any such as hath been granted from the crown to any person,) if it shall be so thought good to the State there, otherwise to certify their opinions to your Lordships, how much, and in what manner, the same were fit to be granted.

And for securing His Majestie's titles and all stranger's rights, a provision is meet to be incerted in his letters patents to be granted to the petitioner, with liberty of court-leet, half felons goods, waif and stray, and such other inferior privileges as have been usually granted to other lords, and with a covenant that he shall erect twenty four freeholders at the least for service of jurors.

Which things observed, we think it a beneficial thing to His Majesty, and the country, to have this country reduced from Tanestry to an English tenure, and peaceable course of inheritance.

Touching the second Article of his petition desiring toleration of the King's royal composition of 80 livres yearly in lieu of cesse; we think convenient that be preserved; and hold it not convenient to grant him other toleration than other lords or gentlemen, that pretend like poverty have, least by his example others should be encouraged to like suits.

All the rest of the articles against the Lord Barry, Lady Norrys, and others, are in effect only petitions for justice, wherein we see no inconvenience, if it please your Lordships, to recommend him to the Lord Deputy for the speedy righting of his just complaints against all subjects, saving the undertakers, and such others whose titles have been heretofore hard, and discussed. All which we humbly submit to your Lordships wisdoms.

2 July 1606.

G.CAREWE. J.POPHAM. ROGER WILBRAHAM.

Lord de Courcy to Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, 24 July 1607.

Right Honouraourable and my very good Lord, my bounden and most humble duty always remembered: It may please your honorable good Lordship to be advertised that by virtue of letters from the honorable Lords of the Council, directed upon my humble suit to Her late Majesty for examining of my right to the Lordship and Seigneurie of Coursie's country, and for restoring me (upon proof thereof) to the Castle of the Old head of Kensale, being one of my principal manors I have been by order of the late Lord Lieutenant of this kingdom and the Lord Clapton (Sir Geo. Carewe) then Lord President of this province, established in the possession of the same; for that my right thereto, and to my Lordship, was well proved and found by inquisition recorded in his Majesty's Exchequer. Yet, Right Honourable good Lord, I am let to understand that Florence Mac Cartie (now in restraint there) being driven to his hard shifts, doth set forth that he is interested in the said Castle of the Old head, and to my manor of Ring Roane, and so doth hope to have some one there that hath more money to spare than good employment for, to hold and take the same from him: and lately the said Florence hath demised the said Castle of Old head to one Bellew, who lately repaired here hence towards the said Florence. I am an humble suitor to your honorable good Lordship that as I have felt and had your Lordship's former favour in my causes, that while my deserts shall serve the same, your honorable good Lordship do continue your honorable favour towards me; and that upon no untrue surmise or complaint of the said Florence, or any for, or by him, I may not be removed from the possess ion of the said castles, and the lands belonging to them, until that by order of Law the same be evicted against me, or myself present to make answer, and defence to my title. And so presuming upon your honorable good Lordship's favour I crave pardon for this my boldness, and do most humbly take leave

Cork the 24th of July 1607.

Your honorable, good Lordship's most humbly to command

JHO: DE COURCY.

Ps

To the Right Honourable and his very good Lordship the Earl of Salisbury, one of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.


Earl of Thomond to Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, Limerick, 19 September 1607.

My honored, good Lord I wrote to your Lordship some fifteen days past; since which time I received letters from my Lord Deputy and Council, wherein he writes of the going away of Tyrone and Tyrconnell; and a letter to me in private, the copies of both I send to your Lordship hereinclosed. Your Lordship may see how my life is shot at by these malicious traitors; for my own part if I had a hundred lives I could never bestow them better than in God's, and His Majesty's service; and if these men of the country be taken at the first there will be the less danger. While we have priests and Jesuits so rife as they are, true subjects shall never remain in quiet in these kingdoms; the Jesuits and priests, and those that have been traitors do give out with great joy that Florence Mc Carty shall be set at liberty! he never did good unto this province, or ever will ; but sought ever to infest it with traiterous actions; for it hath been ever his study. O Sowleuan Bear is reported to come out of Spain into England; this man my Lord Clapton knoweth to be the arrantest, and maliciousest traitor, to his power, that ever this kingdoms bred. If these two should come into the province they would do nothing but kindle rebellion, and never show good example, but be opposite to all good subjects, and all Civil proceedings. I have sent for all the nobility, and better sort of this province, to settle all things in the best sort I may; what shall be done, and proceeded upon, I will advertise your Lordship of. The Towns and country are so given to priests and Jesuits, being altogether ruled by them, as I never saw them more obstinater, and unsweeter in mind than they are now. The want of the forts and citadels, believe it my Lord, is a great hinderance to the service &.

THOMOND.

Florence MacCarthy to Robert Cecil, earl of Salibury, June 1608.

Right Honourable.

Such is my hopeless and healthless state, (being in a consumption that with extreme pain weakened me and will shortly end my life) as I had not troubled your Lordship if it were not for this gent Mr. Halbert Pelham, unto whom (in my first trouble here) I leased certain lands which my father that purchased, and myself enjoyed quietly above 50 years, as Mr. Pelham did these 16 years, until my long trouble and the general opinion of the continuance thereof until my life be lost, encouraged the Lord Coursie to dispossess him wrongfully of the castle of Rinroin, and 5 or 6 ploughlands; by whose example the Lord Barry (that now, in my trouble, dispossesst me wrongfully of other lands) endeavours to dispossess Mr. Pelham also of 7 ploughlands, without any more right or colour than the Lord Coursie had to Rinroin, which was, above 50 years past, sold to my father, and afterwards to myself by Gareth, the old Lord Coursie that sold the rest of his lands to the merchants of Kinsale, and others whereof none is dispossessed but we; which lands he doth not challenge for any defect in the purchase, nor as heir to the old Lord Coursie — for if he were a lawful heir the title had not been denied him, for the which he was driven to procure a new creation — and having no colour to the lands, Sir Richard Boyle (that brought me to all this trouble) taught him one of his tricks, wherewith he gets whole countries there; which was to get a grant of the said old Lord Coursie's intrusions, that died about 10 or 12 years past when he was above 100 year old, and being of good years succeeded his father at such a time as no man's livery was sued for, when there was neither sheriff, nor justice in Mounster; but every lord governing his own country; which device avails not much against others more than to trouble them, until they agree to give him some little composition; as of late, one Geoffrey Gallwey a merchant of Kinsale, that hath as much of that land as I or thereabouts, agreed with him for £22, 10shillings.

The Lord Barry's challenge being idler; who upon a lease of concealed lands that he had, got some of his own people and followers, that he empanneled, to find an office for the attainder of one Fynyn McOwen, that at the very first coining of the rebellion into Mounster was killed by some of the rebels; under colour of which office he disinherited his poor children; and challenges my land, and Mr. Pelham's; which if any will say that Fynyn McOwen, or any for him, did ever hold, enjoy our challenge, we are contented to loose it; being about 60 years past, bought by my father; and possessed by him, and by me, ever since; whereunto if Fynyn McOwen or any other had any challenge, no doubt but Mr. Pelham should understand thereof in 16 years that he enjoyed it; which being truly the state of his cause, I hope your Lordship will further him to such letters as may establish, and maintain him in the possession of his right.

Touching myself, although I am like to end my life here now, it could never appear in 7 years that I have been restrained, that ever I had anything to do with any foreign nation, or favoured the rebels which I did rather hurt by alluring some companies from them, overthrowing some of their forces, and recovering the strongest country they had; and although Captain Flowre (by burning my castles, killing my tenants, taking away 1400 cows, and following me 30 miles) constrained me to fight with him some 10 days before the Lord Carewe came — which was the cause that made me procure a pardon — yet I came presently to my Lord and, (cassireinge by his advice those companies that I had) informed him still of the state of the rebels, assuring him that he should have no resistance, and caused my nephew to deliver him his castle of Carrigifoyll, that stood commodious to annoy them; of all which he informed your Lordship then, as appeared at the late Lord Treasurers, when I was sent over, where your Lordship confessed that I was good in the rebellion time; at which time, when I recovered my country, and was there without any pledges, hostages or sureties bound for me, who doubts but that I would then (if I could be thereunto persuaded) join with the rebels? which if I had, why should not her late Majesties pardon avail me as it availed them? or if I could be touched for any such matters, who can imagine or think that I would (at the late Lord Treasurers aforesaid, before your Lordship and the rest) refuse my pardon and protection, which I have still, if ever I aided, assisted or joined with Tireowen, James of Desmond or any of them, or did write beyond seas, or was privy to any matter or practise thither, or from thence.

Yet notwithstanding I have been ever since these 7 years restrained without so much matter as might bring me to be questioned withal, being first brought into suspicion — and letters procured here hence, upon informations drawn there by Mr. Boyle, and other informations procured by other friends from LoghFoyle, for Sir Valentine Browne's sons, that coveted those lands, which with long trouble, suit and charges I cleared here; and with great charges, loss and danger I recovered there, from rebels — and afterwards committed; when my tenants being spoiled of 500 cows by certain officers and soldiers of Sir Charles Wilmott's, the Lord Carewe was thereupon wrought to give me some hard speeches, and (upon an imagination or fear of any discontentment for those spoils and speeches) persuaded by Sir Charles, and Boyle, to commit me; but no cause nor colour could be had for it; until one Blake of Cork a tailor that dwells here in London, was brought to complain of me for a challenge of £22 for the which he committed me; Boyle, that could do most with him, persuaded him to send me hither, and to write still against me; at whose coming over, being at Boyle's instigation incensed against me for clearing myself to discredit him, as he said, he was also aggravated against me by the wicked woman that was my wife! whom I saw not, nor could abide in almost a year before my commitment; who being wrought, and recommended hither against me, came to me to the Fleet, and desired to stay with me; which when I refused, she made my Lord Carewe believe that I railed of him, and all his friends, and caused him to get me sent hither; although I spake not, (as God judge me) of any of them, as she confessed to some afterwards; and having gotten this gent Mr. Pelham to deal with his Lordship, his answer to my letter was, 'that he so misliked my justifications as I should never have liberty, before I confessed my faults and submitted myself;' which if I would do, he would further my delivery; yet being still followed by my sister, and friends, he was in the end reasonable-well contented, which when Boyle that was here, perceived, he came to the Marshalsea to see me, and told me my Lord Carew was my friend, and that I should be discharged; but if himself were mine enemy he said he had some of my country that could accuse me: to whom when I said there was none that ever said, or could say so, and defied him to find any, he made my Lord Carew believe that I stood upon such defiance and terms to clear and justify myself, as I would utterly discredit him if I were enlarged; and there withal he, and Thomas Browne, Sir Valentine's youngest son, devised letters here from some undertakers and others that were in Ireland, against my liberty, which Browne preferred to the Council; of which device I never had intelligence until some of them in Ireland (unto whom they did write to acknowledge those letters) sent me word, to clear themselves thereof; by which devices my liberty was then crossed, and the Lord Carew so incensed against me ever since, as when Sir Thomas Vavasour obtained of your Lordship to further me to liberty, upon good sureties to continue within 10 or 12 miles of this city, my Lord Carew got the Lord Chamberlain to charge Sir Thomas Vavasour to give it over.

And to find some matter against me Captain Nuce came to offer me money from Coronell Jaques that he did owe me; which when I refused, one John Mathewes came in July last to offer me liberty for money, and to persuade me to write to Jaques for that money, who (when I refused, and offered what money my friends in Ireland could make up, and to stay here until they paid it) gave me over; whereof (when in September after, news came of Tireowen's running away,) a matter was made to get me sent hither, where being restrained without sight of the air ever since, I am fallen so diseased as my life shall be shortly lost, that will more prejudice Hiss Majesty and the State than myself, because I can do them such service as none else of all Ireland can do, or hath such means to do as I have, which I hope will move your Lordship to preserve my life; for the which is no hope nor help except it proceed of your Lordships honourable inclination, and consideration ; for if any do go about to speak for me, whosoever can do most with him shall be wrought to charge and persuade him to give it over; neither is there any (in respect of your Lordship's former favour toward me) that I had rather be beholden unto for my life than unto your Lordship; at whose hands I will both deserve it well, with the service that I can do now, and rest ever ready to perform therewith what may be acceptable and beneficial unto your honourable Lordship.

My humble request therefore is that it will please your Lordship to further that I may be confined here in such sort as your Lordship shall think fit, whereby I may have some hope of the preservation of my life, and recovery of my health. And if the informations of my adversaries, or anything that was inferred against me, brought me to be suspected or mistrusted, I have two sons, the one of 12 years of age, and the other of 10 years, whereof I will not only deliver one into the Lord President of Minister's hands, and keep the other to school here, or deliver both where your Lordship will appoint; but also find sufficient sureties besides, for my continuance within what limits your Lordship and the rest of the Councill shall set down. Beseeching your Lordship to consider that none other was ever tossed thrice to the tower and restrained 7 years without so much matter as might bring him once to be questioned withall and in the end turned to end his life, languishing in a close prison, much less any that no cause nor colour was had to commit him but a challenge of £22, as is known to all Ireland, and to all the Englishmen there; nor none that had the queen's pardon and protection was ever refused here to have the benefit thereof, which (although I have) can no way avail me, if my life be thus lost, which (hoping your Lordship will commiserate) I leave to your honorable and favourable consideration, resting

Your Lordships most humble and bonden to be commanded FLOR: Mc CARTHY.

Ps

To The Right Honourable, His very approved good Lord the Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of England.


Petition of Florence MacCarthy to Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, December 1608.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of England.

The humble petition of Florence Mac Cartie, prisoner in the Tower:—

Humbly shewing his being restrained here close at the first when he was sent over, and after his removing from the Fleet, about three years, which brought him so diseased, as his life was hardly preserved in the Marshalsea, where he was afterwards kept three years and seven months, until he was, about three years past, removed thither again and kept close ever since, to the undoing of him and three young sons which he maintains; his eldest son being dead here; and himself grown so diseased, as he never enjoyed his health any long time ever since.

Forasmuch as your suppliant is by the late Queen pardoned, and that the Lord Viscount Roch, O'Sulivan More, and the White Knight are bound for him.

He therefore humbly beseecheth that it will please your Lordship of your honorable and accustomed favour towards him, so far to commiserate his life, now in his extreme misery, and dangerous diseases, as to further his removing to some other prison, in hope that his life may be preserved, and he shall ever pray for your honorable Lordship.

Florence MacCarthy to Robert Cecil, earl of Salibury, December 1608.

My chefest hope consisting in your Honor's favor, which makes me persevere in importuning your Lordship when now my misfortune encreases, mine adversaries (whereof some that entered into condicions to me) doethe endeavour to have me kept until my life be lost in this close prison, where I was wrought divers times, and now last upon John Mathew's his offer of libertie unto me for money, for the which (where no offence nor matter can be made thereof) my punishment hathe been very great, being kept close here above a yeare; which brought me so extreme sick the last winter, as I was never well since, nor have no other hope but to end my life shortly, if I continue thus after my long troble, which hathe altogether worne me both in body and mind; whereunto I was brought for no cause or matter that could ever appeare these seven or eight yeares past that I have been restrained, when all the most suspected persons of Ireland, both for Rebellion and foraine practices, were here at libertie, and are freely in their countries; Although your Lordship acknowledged (when I was sent over) that I did well in the rebellion time, and that I refused then before your Lordship the benefit of my pardon if ever I helped or aided the rebels, or meddled with anie foraine nacion, yet I am not only restrained ever since without being called to answer, or charged for anie thing, but alsoe my life is sought by way of close imprisonment, when neither the late Queene's pardon that I have, nor the king's gracious clemencie that helped the chefest offenders of Ireland, nor the benefit of lawe avayles me, but that my long restraint these seven or eight yeares, without anie matter to be had against me, cannot but give your Lordship sufficient light and knowledge of my cause; and that my being so often wrought hither, where now I have been kept close these four yeares alreadie, with all the miseries that I sustained, will move (to commiserate my unfortunate life) your Lordship, unto whom I have been long known, and much bound, by whose honorable favour I was maintained and dispatched when I was a suitor; and my life was preserved since my troble; for when there was order to bring me back from the Marshalsea, your Lordship upon my petition furthered me to a warrant for my staying there, without which I had not lived; and since my coming hither it hathe pleased your Lordship (upon my petition by my son) to write for my good usage, and of the permitting of some to me, which was my best helpe to preserve all the life that is left me in this close and solitarie calamitie; where (knowing your Lordship's just and honorable inclinacion and disposition) I lived in hope that time would bring your Lordship to the true knowledge of my cause; until the long continuance of my close restraint brought me so diseased and distempered, and so weak and melancholick as I doe not hope to live: And now I doe not desire libertie, or that your Lordship should be trobled to deal or speake therein; My humble request being onlie that it will pleasure your Lordship to extend your Honorable favour for the preservation of my life, by furthering my removing to some other prison, where I may live among men, in hope that my health may be recovered, and my life preserved. 97

ffloRENCE Mc CARTHY.

Florence MacCarthy to Robert Cecil, earl of Salibury, Marshalsea, 27 November 1611.

Right Honorable,

I hold myself so much bound to your Lordship as I desire much, and wish myself able to make known my thankfulness for your favours, which I will rest readier to deserve with all the service that shall ever lie in me to do your Lordship, unto whom only (as I always seek) I must have recourse, by reason of the wrong that is now offered me for lands that my father and myself purchased of Gareth, lord Coursie, and enioied about 60 years, which, above 20 years past, I leased to Mr. Harbert Pelham; whereof he is now dispossessed by this Lord Coursie, who alleging himself to be the said Garrith, Lord Coursie's kinsman, obtained of the late Queen his intrusions, wherewith he vexed a great while the burgesses of Kinsale, and the other purchasers, and wrought so now with the tenants that held my land of Mr. Pelham, as he got the possession thereof without any resistance, and is come over for letters to surrender, and pass the same by patent. Also when my cousin Mc Carthy Reoghe (taking advantage of my restraint) came hither, with intent (by surrendering the country of Carbrie) to defeat me contrary to his agreement, and bond of ten thousand pounds, wherein he is bound to me, Sir James Hamilton came and brought Sir James Sempel to me, where (upon their undertaking to procure me my right of Mac Carthy) I entered into covenants to give them the one half of whatsoever they recovered for me, they being to pay me £100, and bound likewise by covenants to me that I should have the one half or moiety of what they obtained of the King's Majesty, or recovered or got of Mac Carthy, or by any means in that country; but when Sir James Hamilton perceived how far Mac Carthy was friended he brake with me, and dealth with him, of whom he got such interest as he intends not only to keep me from having anything, but also to dispossess all the gent, and freeholders in that country, together with Sir John Fitz Edmonds, and Mr. Walter Coppinger, and many English gent, that holds a great deal of land there; to which end he hath written over now to Sir John Greham, and others that are joined with him in this matter, to have the King's letters sent over unto him, with intent to join himself pattentee with Mac Carthy, unto whom he is by their agreement to give but 60 plough lands, with certain rents and cheferies, that he had in that country, which I thought good to acquaint your Lordship withal, being so restrained as I cannot resist him; although my right is apparent, as appears by Mac Carthy Reoghe's own bond, and by Sir James Hamilton's covenants; which if I had not, the Lord Carewe, Sir Robert Gardner, and Sir Roger Wilbraham, who are best experienced in the government of Ireland, knows there was never any country holden by Irish custom, that came in question before the state, but they gave their several portions to such as were best interested therein, to hold by English tenure, according to justice and equity, as was ever thought fit and necessary by the State, unto whom, or to such as your Lordship will think fit, I am willing to submit myself and my right, having here Mac Cartie's bond, and Sir James Hamilton's covenants, which I would show to Sir Roger Wilbraham, or to any that would relate unto your Lordship the state of my cause; humbly beseeching your Lordship to stay the King's letters in their behalf, and that I may have your Lordship's furtherance for the obtaining of letters to the Lord Deputy and Council, to make stay of the surrender and proceedings of Mac Carthy Reoghe, and Sir James Hamilton, until your Lordship be made acquainted with all, and until my cause and right be heard, and known; the rather that the said country of Carbrie is such, and the matter so great, as it is not fit that any thing should be done therein without your Lordship and the rest of the Council's knowledge; as it is well known to the Lord Carewe, who knows what a number of gent and freeholders hath their livings there, and what a great number of Englishmen are planted and seated there, more than in any other country of Ireland; which will breed a great deal of suit and trouble to the state here, and there, if Sir James Hamilton do get any interest of Mac Carthy reogh therein, which with the King's letters patents thereupon will be his colour to trouble them. And for the Lord Coursie (by whom, his chief friend against me, Sir James Hamilton wrote now for the King's letters to defeat me,) he hath been here with me oftentimes to offer me composition for my land; which I refused, and we have been since before the Commissioners, by whom our cause was referred to the order or arbitrament of two indifferent friends, learned in the law; since which time he laboured, unknown to me, a certificate for fetters into Ireland, to surrender my land, and take it by patent, and now refuses to stand to the order. My humble request therefore is that it will please your Lordship to stay the Lord Coursie's letters to pass my land by patent, until the matter be ordered by those unto whom the Commissioners referred it, or by themselves, or until he recover it by due course of law in Ireland, where I will send mine evidences to be showed, being persuaded (when the burgesses of Kinsale and all the other purchasers doth still enjoy their land,) that myself alone ought not to be dispossessed of mine, for the which the Lord Coursie cannot say nothing to me more than he can say to them, but that they are at liberty to defend theirs, and I so restrained as I cannot speak in the defence of mine, which encouraged Mac Carthy reogh to keep five ploughlands wrongfully of my portion of that country; and O'Donovan, and the lord Barry, and to dispossess me now in my restraint of a great deal of my purchased lands, that was all upon my father's death, about 35 years past, found by office for Sir William Drury, Lord President of Munster, whose ward I was; which office is recorded at Dublin, and all the land specified therein, yet the long continuance of my restraint, and hopeless state bred such an opinion in most men there that they think they may take, and keep anything that was mine; which I humbly beseech your Lordship to redress, by directing some course for what liberty your Lordship shall be pleased to further me unto; I have since my commitment as is known to the Lord Carewe, procured sureties, the Lord Viscount Roche, O'Sulivan Moore, and the White Knight being bound in great bonds for me; and now upon knowledge of your Lordship's pleasure that I should find sureties here, I have procured the Lord of Hode (Hoath), and the Lord Coursie, that is in controversy with me for land, together with Mr. Henry Hudlestone, (Sir Edmond Hudlestone of Essex, his son and heir,) and Mr. John Thrill, a Sussex gent, of good living, humbly beseeching (in respect they are now after the tearme to depart shortly,) that it will please your Lordship to appoint any to take their bond; wherein referring me to your Lordship's honorable and favorable consideration. I rest ever

Your Lordships most bounden and thankful to be commanded.
ffloRENCE Mc CARTHY.

Ps

To the Right Honourable: his most approued good Lord the Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of England.


Petition of Ellen MacCarthy to Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, lord high treasurer of England, circa November 1611.

The humble Petition of the Lady Hellen Cartye,

Shewinge unto your good Lordship: that whereas the Petitioner havinge hertofore a small annuytie out of the'xchequer during her own life only: and out of her desire to provyde for her poore children who are destitute of all relief, she became an humble suitor to his Majesty for parte of her father's lands in Ireland; and after four yeraes suite here, toher exceedinge greate charge, she obtayned a graunt from his Maesty of 13 quarters of her father's lands, and therupon (wholly relyinge on that poore estate) she made away her said anuytie, towards the satisfaccion of her creditors, and for her owne presente reliefe, which done, and havinge prosecuted suites both in England and Ireland, a longe tyme, to her greate charge, in hope of the recovery of the said 13 quarters of lande, according to his Majesty's graunt, was notwithstandinge, at length frustrated therof, by such as had former graunts its of the premisses, to her utter undoinge.

Now, lately, she cominge over hither in hope of some other releif [sic], was bold humbly to laye open her poore estate by her lettres to your Lordship, and in regard of her sicknes, and want ever sithence, she was not able to followe your Lordship to sollicyte her suite, and now her extreamityes are such as necessity doth enforce her tobecome an earnest suitor to your Lordship Beseechinge your good Lordship in your goodnes and commyseracion of her miserable estate, to vouchsafe unto her Lycence for the transportinge of certen tonnes of Beere out of this kingdome, as to your Lordship shall seeme meete, towards the releevinge of her wants, which will be preiudiccall to none, and therefore she hopeth (in regarde his Majesty hath solely her father's lands, and your suppliant beinge the last of that howse) to charge his Majesty for any releif [sic], your Lordship will conceave the same a matter reasonable for her, wherby she shalbe enhabled to recover her pention againe; and will never trouble his Majesty or Your Lordship hereafter but contynually to pray for your Lordships health and happiness long to contynue.

Warrant issued to Treasurers of the Exchequer, 26 December 1611.

Warrant of gift of £40 to the Ladye Ellen Cartye.

James, &.

To the Treasurer and Undertakers of Our Exchequer greeting! Whereas upon the humble petition of the Ladie Elyne Cartie, we are given to understand of her great necessitie and present want, in commiseration whereof, out of our Royall disposicion, we are pleased to bestowe on her the som of £40 of lawfull money of England; wherefore we will and command you out of the Treasure in the receipt of our Exchequer, to pay or cause to be paid for throughout to Ladie Ellen Cartie or to her assigns the som of £40 to be taken unto her, as of our free gift, and reward, without accompt, imprest, or other charge to be sett upon her, her executors, administrators, or assigns, for the same, or anie part thereof. And these our Letters shall, &., &.

Given, &., this 26th day of December, 8th of our Reign of England, France, and Ireland, and Scotland. 98

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Robert Carr, earl of Somerset, 15 October 1614.

Right Honorable,

Although I have many suits for my living, and certificates from the Earl of Thomond, the lord Carew, the Lord chief justice of Ireland and others, to prove my right to sundry parts of my lands, whereof divers, by taking advantage of my restraint, did wrongfully dispossess me, I resolved, notwithstanding, to forbear importuning your Lordship and to rest, as I do upon your honorable favour, and expect your lordship's best leisure, as I have done since I entered my sureties at the Lord Deputy's departing. But now understanding that those that dispossessed me of my lands, doth daily devise sundry ways to keep it, and to strengthen themselves therein, as also some of it, which I recovered here this last summer of Captain Henry Skipwith, for the possession of which I had the Lords of the Council and the Lord Deputy's letters, is now lately, by permission of the said Captain Skipwith, or his wife, entered into, and taken from me, by one of that country called Lord Coursie, whose son sues here now to the lords, and is like (in respect that I cannot speak for myself, nor defend my right,) to obtain letters to keep it; whereby your Lordship may see that my restraint disables me to defend, or keep my own, and hinders me from recovering my right, which I humbly beseech your Lordship to consider, and that it will please your honorable lordship so far to commiserate my long endurance, with the loss of my living, without which I cannot maintain my poor children, as to further me to that little liberty that is granted or intended me, upon the sureties I entered, which the Lord Deputy certified to be the best assurance that I could tender, whose bonds of £500.), that I shall not depart this realm, nor go above a day's journey from this city, without his Majesty's and the Council's licence, the Clerk of the Council hath these four or five monthe, which I leave to your Lordship's honorable consideration, resting ever

Your Lordship's most humble and faithful to be commanded,
FLORENCE MC CARTHY.

Endorsed copy of 'Florence McCarthy Mores own statement of his transactions with the Brownes,' circa 1616-20. 99

The late Earl of Clancarthy, called Mac Carthy of Desmond, and my father called Mac Carthy of Carbery, being long since descended from two brothers, the Earl when his son died in France, wrote to me that then attended here the late Queen, whom I served in the Earl of Desmond's rebellion, to go over and marrie his daughter, but before I went, the Earl (upon occasion of lands of his that Sir Valentine Browne brought in question) came hyther, where he got me bound in £6000 to marrie his daughter, and recovered his lands. Then Sir Valentine wrought Mr Secretary Walsingham to deal with the Earl for marrying of his daughter to a son of Sir Valentines, whereupon the Earl sent me word to marrie her, and being threatened by Mr. Secretary he promised to conform him to his will; but when it was known here that I married her, Mr. Secretary procured letters to commit me, and the Earl was driven to mortgage these lands that he recovered, to Sir Valentine Browne for £560, whereof he then passed a Patent for color to keep it. When the Earl died, I being before enlarged, sued here Sir Valentine's son for these lands, which cause the late Queen referred to her Privy Council and learned Counsel, who when they considered of his Patent and of an ancient Deed, that I shewed, by which the said Earl's lands were entayled before his time, they concluded that if the said Earl had surrendered his lands as he alleged (which was all his color to keep it with his Patent), being but tenants in tayle, his surrender was of no force, but during his own life, and that those lands by right were mine, who was enjoyned to pay him his money and has the late Queen's letters to enjoy and pass those lands by Patent which a little before was taken by the Rebels, whereby the Earl of Tirowen's appointment they placed one Donell, son to Donell O'Donoghue, of that country, who untruly alleged himself to be the late Earl of Clancarty's bastard, and spent all his time in their rebellions with the Earl of Desmond and Tirowen, with whom 800 of the rebells forces were left there, which (when I went here hence) I over threw and recovered from them those lands, whose inhabitants I brought to be subjects, which was the best and the greatest service that was done in Munster for the late Queen, for whom I kept forces at my own charges in the field, when no body else (out of the towns) acknowleged her and never offended, but fighting once with Captain Flower and others that burnt two Castles of mine, killed my tenants and spoiled them of 1200 cows: immediately after the Lord Carewe came thyther to govern, unto whom I came and informed him still of the state of the rebells, caused my nephew (O'Connor Kerry) to deliver him his castle that was comodious to annoy them, and delivered my son as a pledge, as he desired, to his Lordship, who, for my fighting with Captain Flower protected me still, procured me a pardon and assured me of a good Patent of my lands, to which end he had of me the late Queen's letters first granted me when I recovered these lands here of Sir Valentine Browne's son, that (since the wars commenced there) was here in England, from whence he wrought Mr. Boyle now Lord Boyle, to work the Lord Carew against me, and to draw sundry informations, which being sent from divers parts of Ireland hether, Sir Valentine Browne's son followed here, until letters were procured to commit me then, but afterwards upon an imagination of my discontentment for the spoiling my tenants by his Captains, and speeches that he (Sir G. Carew) gave me, he resolved to commit me, for which he could find no matter until one Blake of Corck a taylor that dwelt here was brought or came (God knoweth how) to complain of me for a bond of £121, whereunto I entered many years before for a gentleman of Ireland (that was here a while), upon which complaint the Lord Carewe committed me until I found sureties to answer it, and sent for me again and told me openly that he committed not for that nor for any other matter, but least any discontentment should move me to offend the Queen or hurt myself, promising to stand my friend, and that I should not be restrained long, and protested to Sir Wm. Taaffe that he had rather than £2000 he had not committed me, which he would not have done, had he not seen the figure of discontentent in my face; and because that he durst not trust me there any more, he sent me over hither where I was no sooner sent than Sir Valentine Browne's son went over and passed those lands, that with long suit and great charges, I recouered before from him here, and there from [... ... ... ...] the with endangering my life and those of many men {} means of quarrells also of the 100 holden by the supposed bastard who got the possession first by the Earl of Tirowen's means, and afterwards of a patent by the sinister practices of a wife that I had, who got it passed in his name to have it sold for her, whereof he being Patentee, defrauded me of it, and some other parcell is holden by freeholders and farmers of that countrie, alleging small mortgages of the lands [... ... ... ...] but all theirs and the bastards is but little and of little value, which they would deliver up if Mr. Browne, who had the chief substance of all the demesnes, was caused to take his mortgage and deliver up the land, according to the late queen's letters upon her Privy Council and learned counsels orders for it in my behalf; these are that which I chiefly challenge. The Earl of Clancarthy's rents, seignories, chieferies and duties which was his chiefest living, being by his Majesty given to Sir Henry Power, who sold it to Sir Thomas Roper. Myne own father Mac Carthy Reagh, that enjoyed, and died seized of the Signory of Carbery, and was by the custom of that country, succeeded by his second brother, Sir Owen Mac Carthy, whom Donal the late MacCarthy of Carbery succeeded, by whom the Demesnes and the most part of the rents and chiefries thereof was mortgaged, and made away; upon whose death, I being to succeed him, petitioned to the Lords, who referred it to the Lord Carewe and Sir George Wilbraham, that certified my petition to be true, and that I had good right; Yet because that custom is misliked by the State there, they thought best that all should be divided, and I to have a large portion thereof in recompense of my right; which being shewed to the Lords, they gave order that the King's Majesty should be moved for his gracious letters in my behalf for the same, as appears upon the same certificate which I have: my said father also puchased certain lands, (whereof when he died seized), sundry offices recorded in Dublin were found before Sir William Drury, Lord President of Munster, that had my Wardship, which lands being by me enjoyed after him; the countries were all waste after the late wars, and I restrained close in the Tower, divers of that country people entered thereupon and keep it, upon what color they please to devise; for which I sued to the Lords of late, which they referred to the Earl of Thomond, the Lords Carewe and St. John, that was Chief Justice of Ireland, who upon sight of one of those offices, certified in my behalf, whereof I had no benefit yet, being before I could have it thither by Sir Robert Staunton, which of my father's inheritance whereof I have such Certificates, Offices, and Evidences, as they cannot be denied me, is with the rest afore mentioned, all the Estate I had there. 101

'An Abstract of such things as are found in the Office of His Majesty's Papers for business of state concerning the actions and proceedings of Florence Mc Carte.' 27 March 1617.

First it appeareth by the 10th Book of the business of Ireland, Anno 1594, fol. 99, under Sir William Fitz Williams his hand, being Lord Deputy of Ireland, and Sir Thomas Norreys, upon the confession of one David Buttevant, that the said Florence Mc Carte had near correspondency with Sir William Stanley, and one Jaques, who sent over hither Patrick Cullen to kill the Queen, and was executed for the same, and was to be only servant of the said Florence; it also appeareth thereby that the said Florence and Jaques were sworn brothers.

By a letter written from Sir Nicholas Browne, the 4th December 1594, it is thus written, 'I know him to be suspicious and subtle, a great briber to his power, friended by some great men of Ireland, who have procured him favourable countenance with some of great calling in England; an importunate suitor, and indeed the only dangerous man in Munster, having been brought up and in league with James Fitz Morrice, Dr. Saunders, Sir William Stanley, and Jaques.'

By a letter of Sir Gefferey Fenton's, anno 1595, he sets him out to be 'the fittest head of a faction, when time should serve for it; and that being always Spanish, he sold all his patrimony to purchase the old head of Kinsale, so greatly desired of the Spaniards for a landing place,' and in divers other letters from Sir Gefferey Fenton in '96, there are very earnest advices given 'to lay hold on him, and to keep him in safe-guard for being so dangerous a man, and so wholly Spanish.'

There are divers letters directed unto him, whereof the originals (as it seemeth) remain with my lord Carewe,—for the copies are here found under my lord Carewe's hand,—directed to Florence Mc Carte, from the Earl of Tyrone, and O'Donel, and divers other rebels; the tenor whereof are these as followeth. 102

It appeareth by a letter written from his agent Mac Donagh, addressed to the King of Spain, by his direction, that he made proffer of his service to the said King. The letter is dated in January 1601.

Signed, THO. SHELTON.

Testified by my lord
CAREW.

It appeareth by other papers that are collections of his actions and intentions, that he was combined with Desmond in his rebellion, and had prepared forces to have served with that party in the action.

That immediately before the Spanish intended invasion he departed into Ireland, married the daughter of the Earl of Clincart, and by that means got from that Earl and from Sir Owen Mc Carte, some places of the greatest strength in Munster and most tending upon Spain.

That there passed Curriers betwixt him and Jaques, that notable traitor; and that Patrick Cullin, who should have killed Queen Elizabeth, went betwixt them.

That he pretendeth to come lineally from the Kings of Munster, who were expelled upon the conquest of Ireland; and to be both Mc Carte More, and Mac Carte Reogh and so to have command upon all the Lordships that do lie one upon another above three score miles together westward, next towards Spain.

This that followeth is since His Majesty's coming to the Crown.

It appeareth by a long relation made by one Teag Hurley, a servant to Florence Mc Carte, that when he would have gone into Ireland he intreated him to stay, and promised he would employ him into Spain, in the third year of his Majesty's reign.

That at the same time he being in the Marshalsea, a seminary priest coming out of Spain, had continual recourse unto him in the habit of a poor Frenchman, and had secret conference with him from morning to night a long time together; and he sent the said priest into Spain for money, and another of his servants to Brussels. The said Teag heard him design how he will escape (upon the receipt of the money which he hoped for) out at a window in an upper chamber in the Marshalsea.

That upon his sending to Brussels, there came over unto him one Francisco, brother to the traitor Jaques, to help Florence to money, and upon some other treacherous intentions, which were known only to Florence, and his men, as Teag Hurley sayeth, and which the said Francisco was so afraid to have discovered that, meeting with Captain Newse who knew him, invited him to a banquet and poisoned him; for the which he was committed to the Tower.

That Jaques being prisoner in the Tower, he did write letters in ciphers to Jacques, and sent them by this Teagh, whereof he knew not the contents. That about a year and a half since he employed one man into Spain, and another in the Low Countries.

This information upon the oath and under the hands of Teagh Hurley was set down the 27th March, 1617.

Indorsed. An abstract of Florence Mc Cartyes treasons and intentions from 1594 till 1617.

'A Relation of divers criminal articles against Florence Mc Carthy, alleged by Teig Hurly of the Country of Carbry, sometime the said Florence's servant, and confirmed by his Oath on the 28th of March, 1617.'

The said Teige affirmeth that about 27 years past, he being a native of Carbry by the father's side, and his mother of Barrye's country, and entreated by the said Florence Mc Carty to his service, went with him as his footboy into England, and staid with him no longer than one quarter of a year; from thence went to travel into Spain and Germany, and so from one kingdom to another, for the space of 16 years; and then arrived back in England, being in the service of one Sir Thos. Beadle, whom he followed in France and Italy for two years; and coming into London he found Florence Mc Carty, in the Marshalsea, whom he often visited whensoever he came into the city, being his old maister. The said Florence, upon his visiting of him, would be very inquisitive of the state, strength, and wealth of the Spaniards, and how he heard them converse and talk of him, or of his imprisonment, or if he could attain his liberty, in being in Spain whether the king of Spain, or the Spaniards would make much of him? or be glad of his enlargement?

The said Teig seeing his own time spent but in travel, and that to be no means for his future good, and likewise conceiting that the old proverb might be verified in him, viz. 'a young serving man, an old beggar,' resolved to repair into his own native country; with which intent, coming to take his leave of his restrained maister Florence; the said Florence entreated his stay, with a great deal of earnestness; telling him that in his service he should not want means, which he himself daily expected, and that he would employ him into Spain; being the third year of his Majesty's reign of England. To which promise the said Tieg gave credit, and stayed well near a twelvemonth, expecting both means and employment from him; but in the mean time the said Florence did change his resolution in employing the said Teige, as aforesaid into Spain.

About a quarter of a year before the said Teige's coming into Florence's service, one Richard O'Connell, a seminary priest, by birth from Irrelagh in Desmond (his ancestors being constables of Ballycarbry, the principal seat of Mc Carty More) came out of Spain into France, and from thence into England, where he, disguised as a Frenchman, did lodge with Florence's men Cornelius, alias Cnoghor O'Rorke, and Dermond Mc Finn O'Haugelin, in the house over against the Marshalsea door, being the sign of the Crowne, at one Mr. Goodchild's; and every day for the space of a fortnight or 3 weeks came in that habit of a poor Frenchman into the Marshalsea to Florence, where he would continue sometimes from morning to night in private conference. The cause of knowledge of the said Richard's being so disguised, and of his frequenting the company of Florence, was his own confession in his often telling the said Teige that he would send him after the foresaid Richard into Spain, and also the confession of both of his men, and of the good man of the house who knew him not to be priest, but took him to be a Frenchman. But the said Florence would often tell Teige that he expected his quick return of Spain, with money, and for his hastening would send the said Teige after him, yet after altered his mind, and sent him not, but sent another of his men called Dermond Mc Fynn O'Haugelin into Spain; and sent his other man Cornelius O'Rourke into Brussels, to confer with Lieutenant Jaques, who was his great friend.

Dermond being in Spain for a quarter of a year, returned into Ireland, missing his expected purpose of getting money from O'Sulivan Beare; and the priest likewise, who went over for the same purpose, failing thereof, the said Dermond came to Florence into England; by whose message from the priest he was put in hope daily to be relieved with money, the want whereof only detained him from flying into Spain. To which purpose his plot for his escape was, that after the money being received, he should obtain (to effect his intent) a more convenient chamber from the under marshall, Mr. Richardson, being the highest in the house, and looking eastward upon the Bourdenn, where he thought to make his escape out of a window; his four men Cornelius O'Rourke, Thomas Hanloane, Dermond Mc Fynn and Tieg Hurly being ready without to receive him.

His other man Cornelius, that went to Jaques, after a month's time spent in Brussels, returned into Dover, being the harbour from whence he took shipping, and so came back to Florence, without interruption, and brought him, as a present from Jaques, a sword which as the said Tieg saith, was disguised with a broken and rusty hilt, but was in fashion between a sword and a rapier, with a back, and of a good length. This Cornelius had told and assured his maister Florence, that Thomas Francesco (who was brother to the forenamed Jaques) would be with him within a month after, and obtain money for him in London, which the said Thos. Francesco performed partly, in coming privately to London. And afore the month's end, every day Cornelius O'Rourke would duly watch at the Spanish Ambassador's house, expecting news from Francesco; who the second or third night after his coming to town, late in the evening walking as private in the street, and in as disguised a manner as he could, it was his fortune to meet with one Capt. Newce, who formerly had been of his acquaintance in the Low Countries; and being exceeding fearful that he should be discovered, had no shift to prevent his discovery, but bid him to a banquet, in his chamber; to whom the said Captain Newce went, and there received such a poisoned entertaintment that all his hair and his nails fell off, and thereof complained to the Council; whereupon Thos. Francesco was apprehended, and put into the Tower; where, remaining for the space of half a year, and no matter proved against him (none knowing his intent, but Florence and his men) upon the earnest suit of his wife, to the Council for his liberty, he was enlarged, and not daring to go into the Marshalsea, he and his wife went over into the Low Countries.

The said Tiege doth moreover affirm that Mc Gwyr coming out of Ireland in a disguised manner, came into London, Florence being then in the Marshalsea, and having through the favour of the Keeper the liberty to go abroad with his keeper, one Richard Lawson, and hearing by one of Mc Gwyre's men that one would speak with him, the said Florence going with him into the King's Arms, a tavern, and this Tieg Hurly with him, they found the aforesaid Mc Gwire in merchant's attire, with two men more in his company, and talking privately together; he craved Florence's advice how he might with security safely get out of England; who gave him all the counsel he could, which was to go to Dover, and carry his horses with him to avoid suspicion, which conference the aforesaid Tieg overheard. And they after meeting twice or thrice, and Mc Gwyre staying in London two days, went to Dover, and there left, his horses, assuring that within one month they would return, praying their horses to be well looked unto, as the said Tiege did afterwards hear.

Who likewise affirmeth that the same year, about the spring time, there came out of Spain one Owen Mc Tieg Merigeh, who having been a notorious rebel in Ireland, and despairing of pardon fled over into Spain with O'Sulivan Beare, where being entertained into the King of Spain's service, he was made his prisoner. 103 This Owen Mc Tiege came into London, and two or three times visited the said Florence in the Marshalsea, and kept continually with his men; and after he had stayed there for the space of a sennight or thereabouts, having placed a son of his (whom he had brought with him out of Spain) with Florence, by the means and procurement of Cornelius O'Rourke he obtained out of the Custom house a pass, and went for the Low Countries, being accompanied by the said Cornelius to Gravesend. The aforesaid Tiege's cause of knowledge was, that during the time of the said Owen's abode at London he kept him daily company, as the rest of his fellows did. And as concerning the said Owen's son, whom he left with Florence, about a quarter of a year after he died of the plague at the forenamed Goodchild's house.

The foresaid Tieg likewise affirmeth that expecting means and employment from Florence, he staid after the sending away of his men aforesaid, and half a year after Jaques, his brother's enlargement, but then finding Florence's word to be no payment, and his expected hopes failing him, he was fain to come back again, and prostrate his service in a poor habit, and pennyless, to his former kind maister Sir Thos. Beadle, whom he served for a whole year afterwards; and when voluntaries were going to serve in the Low Countries out of England, after the year's end, the said Tiege went into Flanders; but before his going, took leave of Florence, who was removed from the Marshalsea to the Tower; to whom he could not have access, because he was close prisoner. But hearing, by one of his men, that the said Teig was going away, sent by his man Dermond McFinn a script about the breadth of two or three fingers to him, to be delivered to Corronell Jaques in Brussels, written in characters, the contents were unknown unto the said Tiege; but after the delivery of the letter to Jacques, he examined the bearer, what countryman he was, and after he told it him, he asked whether he would live there as a soldier?

The said Tieg answering his intent was to serve in the wars, he told him he would be a means to enter him into the King's list, and should be in pay, which he performed. Then the said Tieg serving for four years together in Captain Driscoll's company, under the King's colours, forsook the place, and came back again to London, and found his old maister Florence in the Marshalsea; whom he visited, and told, for anything he could find, he was not the better used in the Low Countries for his sake; upon which the said Florence grew strange towards him; and he, finding his unkindness, supposed it might proceed out of a suspicion of him; and then he became servant to the Lord Courcy, who was then in London, and in suit with Florence; who hearing thereof, imagined he should be discovered in his plots, the Lord Courcy being his adversary; and spake in the presence of divers and namely of one Donogh McDonell McCarthy, that he was sorry that he had not better rewarded his old servant Teig Hurly; and said he would give him the office of sergeantship, or overseer of his lands of Cariggenassy. Upon which report, the said Donogh coming where the lord Courcey and the said Tieg his man, were, told the Lord Courcy in his ear that he ought not to trust him; for Florence meant to do him good in conferring that place upon him.

The cause why Donogh bore him, the said Tieg, malice was, one Vallentyne Browne, son to Sir Nicholas Browne, then being in England, following his suit for abatement of part of his Majesty's rents, the said Tiege used to come to him; and one day being in his chamber, the aforesaid Donogh, in great want, came to borrow some money of him; Tieg, knowing his intent, and the ill affection he bore the said Vallentyne, and the Lord Barry in Ireland, to whom he did some wrong, rounded Mr Browne in the ear, and warned him not to lend him any at all! The said Vallentine having a boy, Donogh McFynnyn Carthy, a near kinsman to the aforesaid Donogh McDonell, who overheard the said Tieg's warning, revealed the same to his cousin. In revenge whereof he thought to put the Lord Courcie in suspicion with him; but the Lord Courcie hearing of Florence's proffer told the said Tieg he should be preferred into a great Office by Florence; to which the said Tieg replied, 'My lord, there is an old proverb in the Spanish “Palabras y plumas el vento los lieven,” as much to say, as 'The wind bloweth away words and feathers,' knowing that Florence would perform no more to him in that promise, than formerly he had done in divers others. Afterwards hearing the said Tieg resolved absolutely to serve the Lord Courcie, or the said Vallentine Browne, spake to him himself, entreating him not to do it; and to stay with him in London, which Tieg denied; and so came over with the Lord Courcie; after which service for a time, hearing that Vallentine Browne came over into Ireland, prostrated his service to the said Vallentine, where he served for the space of four years and a half. In which time having a scruple in his conscience of the grounds of his religion, perceiving it rather founded on policy than of the word of God, he was converted from papacy to the true service of God; wherein continuing, and desiring to match with one of the same belief, he married an English woman, without the knowledge, or advice of the said Vallentine Browne; whose purpose it was to have preferred him to a better match. Whereupon the said Vallentine being sorry, and displeased that he had so cast himself away on one that brought him not any means, and himself likewise having none, would give no countenance to the said Tieg; upon which dislike he went away to Carbry, and there lived with his brethren for two months; and upon his wife's friends entreaty, both by word of mouth and letters, to come to them, he went into England, and staid about a fortnight in Wiltshire.

After which time the said Tieg going into London to see Florence, hearing he was for doing to him many injuries, and especially for altering his religion, to which the said Tieg answered. 'For any cause of injury, I have assuredly done you none; but for my religion, I think, maister, if you were not so old in your error, you would be of my religion too, as well as I,' these and a great many of other speeches passing at that time, and this was in August last past, 1616. But frequenting the said Florence's house, and lying in one bed with one of his men, called Thomas O'Hanloane for the space of three weeks, for some two or three days in that time the said Tieg, as his former custom was, came to Florences chamber to visit him, and still found him and his men absent; which he wondered at; but conceived not the cause, until one day coining thither early, he found one John O'Voleghane, Cnogher O'Voleghane, and Tieg Mc Cormock, all three Desmond men born, and one of them brother to the Franciscan friar Tieg O'Voleghane, all being new comers out of Ireland. The said Tieg Hurly bade them welcome, and was inquisitive of news out of Ireland; and asked them when they came into London, to which they answered some two days since. That very night coming into his lodging, where the aforesaid Thomas and he did lie, (being at the Boar's Head, without Aldgate) the said Thomas came late to his lodging, about 11 of the clock at night; where Tieg Hurly asked him where he had been so late? and he answered, 'with his maister;' and after other discourse he made relation to him of some friends of his that were two or three days in town, and were bound for beyond sea.

'What friends of mine—said Tieg—that have been here so long and would not acquaint me with their being in town? What dare they not walk the streets! or are they friars? or men ashamed of any of their actions?'

'John Entlea is one of them'—quoth Thomas.

'Then'—quoth Tieg—'what a devil should John here?'

'He is here, and Tieg O'Voleghane, the Franciscan friar, with him!' said Thomas.

'O, is it so? I know, said Tieg, 'it was to keep them company. Florence was missing this two or three days out of his chamber!'

'It is true!' said Thomas, 'although I was not with them, they did all live that came over, dine at the Boar's Head, within Ludgate, and Florence with them there, and they think no man can better procure them a pass from the four Maisters of the Custom house, than yourself, in regard you are acquainted there!'

'I assure you there is nothing I can do for them, but I will do it; said Tieg; but yet believe me, it is hard for me to undergo such danger; and how may I effect it?'

'Nothing said Thomas, but instead of Tieg O'Voleghane, let your name serve for the Friar, and it will prejudice you nothing!'

'And then after many persuasions to that purpose, the said Tieg, Thomas, and John Entlea, went to the Custom house, where there was gotten one pass in the name of Tieg Hurly, and John Entlea.'

This Franciscan friar, the said Tieg saw in Ireland before this time, and knew him to have been collecting of monies within the counties of Corke and Kerry, under pretence of mending an abbey within the county of Kerry, called the Abbey of Ircelagh; under colour of which work, the said Tieg saw him going up and down the country, and levying of monies, having some masons working of a few stones, only to colour his intent, and blind the people with a seeming zeal of mending a work so charitable; and thereupon through the devotion of many well-minded men, he obtained a good purse of money, wherewith he has taken his journey into England, and from thence beyond seas.

After the receipt of the pass out of the Custom-house, they went to the friar's lodgings in Thames Street, as he takes it, being the sign of the Sugar-loaf, where he saw the friar with Donell and Cormock, Florence's two sons; the friar's brother, called John O'Voleghane and Cnoghor O'Voleghane his kinsman; with whom the said Tieg there broke his fast, and warned the friar to make as much haste as he could away; and being so far engaged for him hastened him still. And after that, the very self same day, the said Tieg, and John Entlea, went to Billingsgate to provide a little boat to go down to Gravesend; and the said Tieg procured the Boat; but the tide serving not till night; in the evening went the friar, Tieg Hurly and John Entlea into the boat; on landing at Gravesend they took a chamber. The next morning the said Tieg and John Entlea went to inquire what ships were going for the Low Countries; and hearing certainly that there were in the harbour two barks ready to go, the one bound for Dunkirk, the other for Flushing, the said Tieg and John came back to the friar, and told him of these two ships that were immediately departing, and wished him pack away. The friar answering, I will go in the ship to Dunkirk; but Tieg told him it was unlikely he should have allowance to go in that ship, having in his pass but to arrive at Damme in Flanders; and that it were convenient for him to go into Flushing; but the friar's inclination being towards the Spanish shore, still resolved to go into the ship of Dunkirk; and with that resolution they went to the water's side! A boat then being ready with passengers to go to the Dunkirk bark, the friar stept into it; the searcher standing on shore asked him whither he was going or where his passport was?

He answering, 'Here it is!' delivered him.

The same which the Searcher reading, 'This bark,' quoth he, 'goeth to Dunkirk, and your pass is to Damme in Flanders.'

With that they cried, 'come ashore — you shall not go there.'

Whereupon the Searcher grew very angry, and told that the State was much abused by such dealing; and presently carried him to a Justice of the Peace; and was there examined what the reason was that he intended to go, contrary to the effect inserted in his pass

He made answer that he was unacquainted either with Damme or Dunkirk, but his business being to the Low Countries, he desired to arrive there in any place, and that he was desirous not to lose his passage.

'You shall not then go into Dunkirk!' said the Justice of the Peace.

And with that cold comfort they parted, and came to their chamber; whereupon they consulted what was best to be done; and then the friar, more dismayedly than he had any cause given, bewraying his guiltiness by his outward changing of colour, began to suspect the Searcher would follow, and search what he had about him; which Tieg perceiving, advised him if he had anything that might endanger him, he should do well to hide it in the chamber; who told him he had his book, and two letters that were folded like wrapt sheets of paper, without sealing or superscription, which they put between the hanging and the wall; being formerly sewed up in John Entlea's doublet; which being done, the said Tieg went out upon the quay, where he met with the former Justice of the Peace, who demanded of him where his company was?

And he answered they were in their chamber taking a pipe of tobacco; for getting no leave to go, it behoved them not to walk on the quay.

One of the standers by said that there was another bark going for Flushing; whereupon the said Tieg came back, and told the friar thereof, advising him to look boldly, and to intreat the Justice to let him have his pass back again to London, if he would not let him go! upon which admonition he went out, and met the Justice, whom he in treated with a great deal of fear (his heart failing him to look aright on the Justice), whereupon he looking on him said, 'I know not what to think of you! but I have nothing to say to you!'

After which words he took boat, and went to the ship. And this about middle of August, 1616.

About a sennight before the departure of the friar, one John Meogh, being son to Meogh the pirate, was by him employed into the Low Countries to Capt. Cnoghor O'Driscoll; upon whose coming to him the said Captain went into Spain.

And ever sithence the said Florence doth run in the score; having his three sons with him in England, not allowing them breeding, learning or education, ready upon the receipt of means, to be gone, having in his company, as his servant, one Donogh-ne-buille, a man of his own country of Carbry, and a very good linguist; also one Donogh Mc Tieg Duffe is gone into Spain, about a year and a half since from him, and is a Carbry man; and also Cormock Mc Calloghane, being a Desmond man, served him for a quarter of a year, and was by him then employed into the Low Countries.

All these before mentioned allegations, the said Tieg hath sworn by the holy evangelist to be true, and in witness thereof hath hereunto set his hand, the day and year first above mentioned.

TEAG HURLY.

Ps

A note of all Florence Mc Cartie's men, and employed by him

Alive O'Falvy
Tieg Mc Cormock Carty, a Desmond man.
Cormock Mc Calloghane, a Desmond man.
Donogh-ne-buily, a Carbryman.
Thomas O'Hanloane, of Meath.
John Meogh, of Kinsale.


Petition of Florence MacCarthy to the privy council, 10 April 1617.

To the Right Honourable the Lords and others of His Majesty's most honorable Privy Council. 104

The humble petition of Florence Mc Carty.

Showing that where the late Earl of Clancarty, at his being in England, mortgaged unto your suppliant about 30 years past, before he married his daughter, for a £190, a place, and certain lands called Twoh Irilagh, and Dromhumfrey, which was by your suppliant that enjoyed it quietly, mortgaged afterwards to Mr. Harbert Pelham, by whose tenants it was holden; and after your suppliant was committed and sent hither, the Earl of Tyrone caused those lands and place to be delivered to one of that country called Donell, that untruly alleges himself to be the late Earl of Clancarties Bastard, who thereupon brought to Tyrone, out of that country, as many men as he could, with whom he was at Kinsale when he was overthrown; and being afterwards pardoned, holds ever since those lands that was not demanded nor sued for by any, by reason of your suppliant's restraint; and where also certain small parcels of your suppliant's lands, which is worth but about £30 a year, called Anagheilly, Lahharde, Culmoe, Ballyahir, Eaglais, Ballytrasny, Turpin Fahagh, and Ceapagh, was in your suppliant's restraint, possessed by certain farmers and tenants of that country, for mortgages made, as they allege, by your suppliant's predecessor, the late Earl of Clancarty, which land is still holden by them, or by others of that country people, unto whom they passed their mortgages.

He therefore humbly beseecheth, in respect that your suppliant was since his trouble driven to satisfy Mr. Herbert Pelham, your suppliant himself being dispossessed of that land, and never paid, nor satisfied of this money that he disbursed for it; and that he is ready to pay what mortgages shall appear to be due upon those other small parcels, That it would please your honorable Lordships to grant him letters to the Lord President of Mounster, that he, and the lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, that dwells there, and the Chief Justice of Monster, or either of them, to hear and examine this matter, and to certify unto your Lordships the state thereof, whereby your Lordships may thereafter take such order as your suppliant may be restored to his light, And he shall ever pray for your honorable Lordships.

Florence Mc Cartie's Petition to the Council.

Copy of a letter from the privy councillors to Sir Oliver St John, lord deputy of Ireland, on behalf of Florence MacCarthy, 10 April 1617.

After our very hearty commendations to your Lordship. Humble suit haying been made unto us by Florence Mc Carty, for our letters of reference unto you, for the examination of a complaint made by him, as well concerning a place and certain lands called Twoh Irilagh, and Drom humfry, formerly mortgaged unto him by the late Earl of Clancartye, of £190, and since mortgaged again by the petitioner to Sr. Herbert Pelham, and lastly during the troubles in that kingdom, dispossessed of, and given by the Earl of Tyrone to one Donell, as a pretended bastard to the said Earl of Clancarty, who still detaineth the same, upon that pretence, as also touching some other parcels of land mentioned in the petition, about the yearly value of £30, possessed and held by certain farmers and tenants of that country, who allege that the same were passed unto them, in mortgage by the said late Earl, as by the petition will at large appear; We have been moved hereby to pray, and require your lordship, the rather, for that the petitioner alledgeth that these inconveniences are fallen upon him by means of his restraint here, andoffereth to redeem any mortgage whereof any of his lands stand justly charged, to take notice of the petition; and upon full and due examination of the parts thereof, to certify unto us the true state of the cause, together with your petition touching the same, that such further order may be taken as shall be just. And so we bid you heartily farewell.

From Whitehall, this 10th of April, 1617.
Your lordship's very loving friends,
GEORGE CANTERBURY. RALPH WYNWOOD. WM. WALLINGFORDE. JULIUS CAESAR.105 JEAMES HAY. Edw. WORCESTER. THOS. SUFFOLK. GEORGE CAREWE. THOS. EDMONDES.

Florence MacCarthy to Lord Edward la Zouche, 24 June 1619.

Right Honorable,

I cannot but acknowledge myself much bound to your Lordship that vouchsafed, before the cause was known, to deal so effectually with Mr. Secretary Nanton for me, which I will rest ever ready to deserve with my best service; and because Mr. Secretary was then put in hope to have matter against me I suspended ever since to trouble your Lordship until I understood from thence what was pretended against me, which I am moved (having in the beginning found your Lordship my best friend) to acquaint you withal, who (I hope) will be as willing to friend me in the end, when (now it is known that there is no matter against me) your Lordship may best prevail for me. About 3 years past a man of Mr. Brownes (that holds the best part of my lands) being here, met a friar and a householder or farmer of that country, and when he told them that he was with me, they wished that they had also seen me; which Mr. Browne's man told me, who (suspecting that Mr. Browne employed that friar to make some matter against me) assured his man that if any friar or priest came to me I would bring him in question: about a fortnight after, that man told me that they were gone out of this land; whereof Mr. Browne (imagining that I had spoken to them) got an information made, and endeavoured to get some of the Council there to prefer it hither; which when he could not, he got it sent to one here that kept it about a year, until Mr. Secretary Nanton (unto whom myself and my cause was unknown) was persuaded to commit me thereupon; of this information (although I had intelligence from thence about two years past) I took no care, knowing that I who saw not, nor spake not to any of them, could not be touched withal; and judging that I should not be committed again upon an information of mine adversary that holds my lands, after my being by his Majesty, and the Council, upon the Lord Deputy of Ireland's certificate, and upon bonds of the Earls of Thomond and Clanriccaird, the Viscount of Downeliffes, the Lord of Delvin, Sir Daniel Obryen, Sir Patrick Barnewell and divers others, confined about this city, where I have lived in great want, being then abridged of 3 pounds a week for diet, and 20 shillings a week for clothes, that His Majesty allowed me; and by divers of that country dispossessed of my lands, in my long and close restraint, whereof they took advantage; and being, because I had no means, advised to sue for some of my lands I petitioned to the Lords, who referred it to the Earl of Thomond, the Lord Carewe, and Baron Denham, that certified my right to above 500 pounds land a year, purchased by my father, whereof I could have no benefit, being within a few days after committed hither, where I have remained above seven, months without means to maintain me and my children, when by my carriage and trial these 5 years past, upon those sureties I expected more liberty after 18 years endurance without being ever called to answer or charged for anything. The information whereupon I was now committed, if it were of any probability or substance, had neither been rejected by any of the Council there, nor kept still here from the King and Council's knowledge; and the said friar that is well known to Mr. Brown, who may have him if he will, being there in the country, and the other that was with him committed long since, and I contented to lose both liberty and favour if any can justly say that I saw or spake to any of them, or wrote to or by any of them, or saw or spake to any friar or priest from thence since my commitment, or kept or maintained ever any while I was there before; whereof when Mr. Secretary (that at my commitment was promised matter against me) finds nothing, he now alleges reasons to restrain me at the request of another, who is desirous to have in this prison my life that he hath already worn in prisons. It should seem that Mr. Secretary Nanton of himself was indifferently inclined to discharge me, for to a friend, that at the intreaty of Sir Thomas Roper dealt with him, he answered, that if the Lord Chancellor that joined to commit me, would join with him he would be contented to enlarge me; now to my petition he says that for reasons to him known he may not in his duty discharge me! but will further me to obtain the means that I had at His Majesties charges; And because I see no reason why His Majesty should be put to unnecessary charges for me and my children, and I by my restraint, hindered of those means of mine own that is (as aforesaid) certified for me, and myself without any cause kept here, to shorten my days, after the trial that hath been had of me these 5 years past upon those sureties, bonds which the clerk of the Council keeps; My humble request is that it will please your honorable Lordship to be a mean that I may be suffered to enjoy that little liberty that His Majesty and the Council granted me upon those sureties, if there be no matter against me, and to deal effectually with Sir Robert Nanton, for by the Lord Chancellor's answer to a petition of mine, I gather that all stands in Sir Robert, with whom I doubt not but your Lordship will prevail, your credit being greater with all men than his that works Sir Robert to restrain me. And your Lordship shall find that I will thankfully by my service deserve your favour, which I leave to your Lordships honorable consideration, resting ever

Your Lordships most humble
and faithful to be commanded

FLOR: McCarthy. To the Right Honourable. His very approved good Lord,
the Lord Zouch, Lord Warden of the Cinque ports
and one of His Majesties most honorable Privy
Council.

Petition of Florence MacCarthy, circa November 1619.

To the Right Honourable the LORDS and others of His Majesty's most honorable Privy Council.

The humble Petition of Florence Mc Carthy,

Showing that whereafter many years restraint he petitioned for his liberty, which the King's Majesty referred to the Lord Deputy of Ireland, who with divers of the Council there being here, then certified in his behalf, and that he could not oiler better security; whereupon it hath pleased His Majesty, and your Lordships above 4 years past, upon bonds of the Earls of Thomond and Clan Riccard, and the Lords of Delvin and Downeliffes, and other Knights and gent of that country, to confine him about this city, where he hath ever since (without giving any occasion of offence or suspicion) lived in great want, being then abridged of £3 a week for his diet, and 20 shillings a week for clothes, that his Majesty allowed him; and by divers of that country dispossessed of his lands in his long restraint, whereof they took advantage, and being out of hope of obtaining the allowance that he had of His Majesty, and advised by his friends (because he had no means), to sue for some of his lands, he hath, lest he should be driven to be troublesome or chargeable to His Majesty, petitioned to your Lordships, by whom it was referred to the Earl of Thomond, the Lord Carew, and to Baron Denham, who certified what course they thought best to be taken by your Lordships for his relief, whose certificate he could not show nor make no use thereof, being about 20 days past sent for by Mr. Secretary Nanton and committed to the Gatehouse.

He therefore humbly beseecheth, in respect that your suppliant, who by his carriage and trial these four or five years upon sureties, did rather expect more liberty, is already worn with imprisonment and very sick of an ague, and an extreme cough, and destitute of any means to maintain him and his children, who are ready to starve, that it will please your honorable Lordships that he may forthwith, before he perish in extreme misery, be called to answer before your Lordships if there be any matter against him, or else that he may be suffered to live confined upon his sureties, as he hath these four or five years past, and get some means of his own to maintain him and his children so long as your Lordships shall be pleased to keep him confined. And so shall ever pray for your honorable Lordships.

Letter of Sir Thomas Edmonds, 28 July 1624.

According to His Majestie's pleasure and direction at Oatlands the 5th of this present, under your hand concerninge Florence MacCarthy I have taken bonde:—

In £500 a-piece.

Of The Earle of Thomonde,
The Earle of Clanrickarde,
The Lord of Delvin,
Sir Patrick Barnewall,

In £250 a-piece.

Of Sir Randulp McDonell,
Sir Donell O'Brien,
Dermott McDonogh MacCarthy,
David Condon,

And of Florence in £2000.

The condicion is in haec verba, 'That whereas Florence MacCarthy of Desmonde, Esquire in the Kingdom of Ireland, is upon humble suite made to His Majestie, released out of the Tower of London (where he remained prisoner) and confined to the cittie of London. If, therefore, the said Florence MacCarthy shall not depart out of the realme of England without His Majesties Lycence first had and obtained, nor travaile above one daie's jorney from the cittie of London, without Lycence under the hands of six of His Majestie's Privie Councill, that then the obligation bee voyde, &c.

And soe I rest.
EDMONDES.

Florence MacCarthy to the privy council, 1625.

To the Right Honourable: the Lords and others of His Majesties Most Honourable Privy Council', 1625. 106

The Humble Petition of Florence MacCarthy prisoner in the Gate House.

Sheweth that after fourteen yeares rest within the tower, he was by his late Majestie about ten yeares past, confined upon bonds of the Earles of Thomonde and Clanrickarde, Westmeathe and Antrim, and others of good livinge; and being by divers of that countrie (in his long and close restrainte) deprived of his lands, whereof he could not recover by being disabled to prosecute his case by his confinement, he petitioned to his late Majestie for libertie whereby he might recover means of his livinge, which was referred by your Lordships to the Lord Willmot, the Lord Docura and others of the Council there; upon whose certificate your Lordships concluded that he should have his libertie, and His Majestie's Letters to have his living, which he followed, until upon the late Earle of Thomond's death it hathe pleased your Lordships to committ him until he had found other securitie for him; although the Earle of Thomonde did by his bond bind him and his heirs, whereby his son, this Earle of Thomonde, is still bounde for him, he hathe for your Lordship's satisfaction, procured the Earle of Ormond to be bounde, and the Earl of Clanrickarde (whereof some question was made) to signifie that he will continue still bounde for him; He therefore humblie beseechethe your Honorable Lordship as well to commiserate his age, being above seventy yeares, and long endurance these 24 yeares without being charged for anie matter, as to consider the triall that (without anie charges to His Majestie) hathe been had these ten yeares past uppon his suryeties of him, whoe now since, for noe cause, is seventeen or eighteen months here in the Gatehouse, tohis great suffering, where now he hathe no meanes to maintain him and his children ; and in respect that his late Majestie gave orders for his libertie, that such great suryties are bound for him, and noe matter against him, that it will please your Lordships to give order for his enlargement and he shall ever pray for Your Honor's Lordships.

ffloR: MCCARTHY.

Florence MacCarthy to Sir Edward Conway, 12 March 1625.

To the Right Honourable Sir Edward Conway, Knight, Principal Secretary to the King's Most Excellent Majesty and one of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council.

It may please your honor. The endeavours of the continuers of my restraint these 24 years, without ever being called to answer, or charged for any matter, hath been such as made me fearful, and doubtful of all men, which moved me (that was desirous to make my cause known to your Honor) to entreat Mr. Andrew Windsor to learn whether any dealth against me with you, whose honourable answer (that I cannot but take very thankfully) encouraged me to trouble your Honour. My Father-in-law, and Predecessor in the Signorie and lands of Desmond, the late Earl of Clancar mortgaged certain lands to Sir Valentine Browne, of whose son (when after the Earl's death he refused to take his money and deliver it) I complained to Queen Elizabeth, upon whose reference, her Privy Council, and learned Company ordered me that land, which shortly after I recovered from the rebels, and enjoyed until he got some of his friends to inform against me, and to work my commitment; for the which no color was had but to get one to complain of me for a bond of £20, or £30, wherein I was bound many years before for a Gentleman of Ireland that was here a suitor; upon which complaint I was committed and sent hither, where the late Earl of Salisbury was brought to cause me to be kept close in the Tower contrary to Queen Elizabeth's pleasure, that knew me well, whom I served long; and to His Majesty that after his coming, granted oftentimes my liberty, by whom I was in the end, after fourteen years restraint, confined upon bonds of the Earls of Thomond, Clanrickard, Westmeath, and Anthrim, and others; and being by divers of that country, (in my long restraint) deprived of my lands, whereof I could not recover any, being hindered by such as continued my restraint, and disabled to prosecute my cause by my confinement, I petitioned to His Majesty for means, or liberty whereby I might recover means of my living which was referred to the Lords, and by their Lorships to the Lords Wilmot, Docrua, and others of the Council there; (in Ireland) upon whose certificate their Lordships concluded that I should have my liberty and his Majesty's letters to have my lands, which (although I was hindered by such as continues my restraint) I followed until my son came hither and desired me to pass my living, and deliver mine evidences unto him: which when I refused he protested before divers that he would get such as continues my restraint, to have me committed to the Tower, because the Earl of Thomond was dead, that was bound for me, who was shortly after sent for by some of the Lords, and told that the Earl of Thomond, one of my Sureties was dead, and that they would commit me untill I found another. I believe my commitment was wrought by ill-willers that considered not His Majesty's charges, by my restraint, the Triall, upon my Sureties without any charges to His Majesty, that hath been had these ten years past of me, who in that time was driven to sell or mortgage to Sir James Lancaster, Sir Thomas Heuytt, and Sir George Horssey, and others, about £400 land a year, by my being restrained here, about a year and four months, upon the like color, and to follow the effect of my liberty and living; which being concluded to be granted to me, I am, notwithstanding restrained to charge His Majesty, and to undo me; and being now, by order of the Lords removed to the Gatehouse, until I find further security, the Earl of Thomond, and Sir Patrick Barnewell, two of my Sureties, being dead, I am here kept in a little narrow close room without sight of the air, where my life, that am above 70 years of age, after my restraint, is much endangered; although the Earls of Clanrickard, Westmeath, and Anthrim, with Sir Daniel O'Brien, the Earl of Thomond's brother, and others of good living are still bound for me, with the Earl of Thomond and Sir Patrick Barnwell that by their bonds did bind them and their heirs, yet, notwithstanding, I am not suffered to go under safe custody, or speak to any that would be bound for me; but kept here without any allowance of His Majesty, or means of mine own, whereby myself, and two young sons, and servants are like to perish, except your Honor will be pleased to commiserate me; wherein my humble request is that it will please Your Honor to send order hither that I may, under safe custody, be suffered to go speake to my friends, and know whether I shall bring those Sureties to Your Honor, or to whom else Your Honor will have them brought to take their bonds; and I will procure the Earl of Ormond to be bound instead of the Earl of Thomond; and others of sufficiency for Sir Patrick Barnewall, and rest,

Your Honors most humbly to be commanded,
ffloR: MCCARTHY.

Petition of Florence MacCarthy, 15 May 1626.

Florence MacCarty by petition sheweth that after his long restraint in the Tower, being confined here at his own charges, one hundred Pound land a yeare was for £450 mortgaged unto Sir Thomas Hewett, unto whom £250 rent was then due of the tenants of the land, for which, when uppon the Earl of Totness and Baron Denham's certificate the Lords of the Council granted him letters, he was by Sir Thomas Willoughby arrested to the counter, and restrained until he condicioned not to seeke for his said rent, and entered into a bond for that with the said Sir Thomas, who also keeps unjustlie from him above £80 of the £450 mortgage that he should pay him for the said lands; holds a hundred a yeare of his lands for lesse than £400, refusing to take his money and discharge it when it was offered him about 4 yeares past; and where alsoe Francis Foxe, of London, holds £60 a yeare of the Petitioner's land on mortgage for £200, and refused about 7 yeares last past to take his money and discharge it, he humblie desires, in respect that his use of £25 and £30 a yeare for £100 is within the compass of the statute to bergaine and mortgage being made here, and the rent which is the interest yearlie returned hither, and contrary to His Majestie's proclamation and order in Ireland, that His Majestie would refer it to such of the Privy Council as His Majestie shall think fitt, to call the parties before them, and to order the matter in such sorte as the petitioner may be righted.

At the Court at Whitehall, 15 May 1626.

Ps

It is His Majestie's pleasure that the Lord Grandison, Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Master of the Rolls, or any two of them doe make due examinacion of this matter, calling before them the parties whom the same concerns, and thereuppon to set down some filial order therein, according to equitie and justice.


'Translation of a letter written from Madrid to a Franciscan Fryar called Eugenio Field, in the monastery of Timoleague'. 10 April 1628. 107

Deere Father

I have received your fatherly letters of the last of December, by which I understand that our beloved son Estranig resides in Dublin. Here both the King and Council are well satisfied with your informacion, and chefly we assure ourselves of the constancy of Don Carlos Mac Carthy, Lord of Musqry, of his allies and others, with their resolutions: We likewise see by your letters the small hopes there are of the Sonne of Don Florentio Mac Carthy his heir. I am in your opinion in that which you write of his inclination to the perverseness of Lutherans, and enemies of our quiete. I doe understand likewise that there is no hope of the libertie of Don Florentio, whom God prosper, with all those that are well affected, &c. &c.

There are less hopes of the Sonne of the Lord Kierry (who as I have heard is a terrible man) than of the sonne of Don Florentio; but it is no wonder; he having alwaies been brought up amongst the English; but Don Florentio his Sonne is a Child of Curse, who is readie, not onlie to destroy his own Father, but alsoe his Mother the land where he was born, &c. &c. 108

FLAHREUS TOMONENSIS.

Browne to Dudley Carleton, Viscount Dorchester, Ross, 22 April 1630.

Valentine Browne to the Right Honourable my most respected noble Lorde, the Lorde Viscount Dorchester Principal Secretary to His Majestic, and one of his most Honourable Privie Council.

These give at Court.

Right Honourable I understand by late advertisement from my agent there Edmund Hussey, that my petition (preferred to His Majestie by your Honor, at the request of my Cousin germain Thos. Merry) hath bin referred by His Highness to the Committees for Ireland, reade before them, and considered off, and that their Honors gave orders to refer the consideration of that my honest request (more important a thousand times for His Majestie's general goode in countenancing the plantations ancientlie settled, than for my particular profit) to the Lords Justices, and Council of this kingdom and that a letter being drawn to that purpose from the Lords Committees was stopt by my Lorde Treasurer, which moveth me to conceive that my ancient adversary (Florence Mac Carty) doeth revive his old cunning sleights, by his misinformacions to gain him som frends about Court; But such ones they must be (in my opinion) that being not truelie informed of the disloyaltie, ambition and danger of that man, will give ear unto his own fictions, commiserat his restraint, (though deserved highly,) and credit the large promises he makes; which here his children and frends spare not to proclaim (to the no small terror of my English plantation,) viz that they will give to one frend or other half my lands or more to recover all from me. I am, in playne terms, at full defiance with them. If I have your Honor of my side to assiste me in my right, derived from the Crown in plantation lands, enjoyed by my Grandfather, & & father successivelie, being English, and descended to me. My intelligence from my cousin Merry and agent, doeth ensure me of your Honourable Lordship's noble favors, and though unacquainted I embouldened myself thus to troble your Lordship (for which I desyre pardon) and withal humblie entreat your Lordship to persist in furthering my occasions at this present, which you shall find to agree with His Majestie's profit, honor and safetie of this kingdom of Ireland ; and my adversary's aimes to tend to the contrary absolutely, however cloked and cullered.

And further I bind myself hereby to perform fairly whatsoever my said agent shall promise for me: and from time to time (by my thankfulnesse) to endeavour to merit your Honor's good opinion of me that am resolved to approve myself alwaies

Your Lordship's most humble & devoted Servant
VAL: BROWNE. Ross

Petition of Daniel, eldest son of Florence MacCarthy, 1630.

To the King's most Excellent Majesty,

The humble petition of Daniel Mac Carthy, son and heir apparent of Florence Mac Carthy, and grandchild and heir (by his mother), to the late Earl of Clan Carr, deceased.

Sheweth that upon a late petition exhibited to your Majesty on the behalf of Sir Valentine Browne, Baronet, who holds Your Majesty and your loyal subjects, all damned, that profess the true and Catholic faith, openly professed in your Majesty's kingdoms and dominions, however he outwardly professes it, himself being a man divers others ways, for alliances and otherwise, dangerously refractory to your Majesty's laws, customs, civil government, and conformity; whose petition is stuffed only with manifold untruths, false glosses of plantations, fortifications, and pretended services, purchases and grants (as shall be proved) to induce your Majesty to confirm unto him your poor subject's inheritance; which ought to descend unto him from his said grandfather, by an act of the next Parliament to be held in Ireland; for the better preparation of this his deceitful plot he hath obtained from your Majesty a reference to the Lords, and others, committees for Irish causes, who without hearing, or calling your subject or his father (who hath the evidences of the lands in question) thereunto, have concluded thereupon to refer the matter of the said Sir Valentine's petition to the now Lords Justices of Ireland to examine and certify therein.

May it please your Majesty to be informed, this matter that Sir Valentine would now set on foot, was long since in the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, by a reference from her Majesty to the then Earl of Salisbury, Sir John Popham, then Attorney-General, and other Honourable Commissioners of her Majesty's Privy Council, and learned council of England, and Ireland, decided and adjudged against Sir Valentine's father here in this kingdom; as your Majesty's subject can and will make it appear, though Sir Valentine's father and himself have got those lands since, after his father's commitment, and held it ever since in his restraint, which they wrought and continued these 29 years, upon misinformations, without ever being called to his answer, or they or their confederates to stand to, or at all to prove their misinformations against him; who notwithstanding upon every untrue and unseasonable blast of their misinformation was still locked up from time to time, without any examination, or further ado. Therefor, in imitation of that royal prince's gracious inclination to Justice, humbly beseecheth your most sacred Majesty to refer back the matter (so well and so anciently decided already here upon mature consideration by those honourable grave personage's aforesaid,) to the said Lord's Committees, calling unto them someof your Majesty's reverend Judges to hear, and to be truly informed of your subject's title, and infinite wrongs, and oppressions done him, and his father, by the practices of the said Sir Valentine and his father, and to certify your Majesty of the true state of the said cause; and for the better affecting the same to cause your subject may be righted, and not further hindered of your Majesty's said royal progenitor her royal intent aforesaid, whereby your subject may be enabled to live (who is now for want of means ready to perish) and such a member as Sir Valentine is, and shall be proved to be may, together with his most wicked, divelish, and inhuman practices, be utterly overthrown! and quite frustrated!

And your subject, as he is already bound, shall eternally pray for the continuance of Your Most Sacred Majesty's happy reign long over us.

Decision given in regard to Browne and Florence MacCarthy, 1630.

Whereas Florence MacCarthy, Esquire, and one Sir Valentine Browne, Knight, now lately deceased, had severally exhibited unto us and to the Lords of our Privy Council here in England, several petitions concerning the Castles of Cosinaignes, Glaneroght, and Ballicarberie, in the counties of Kerry and Desmond in Ireland, heretofore mortgaged by the Earl of Clancarr unto Sir Valentine Browne, Knight, and Nicholas Browne his son deceased, father and grandfather of the said last-named Sir Valentine Browne, the petitioner pretending the said lands to be purchased by his said father and grandfather for great sums of money; that he had several grants thereof from the Crown, did thereupon sue unto us by petition to have the same passed to him and his heirs by Act of Parliament: And whereas the said matters upon both their petitions were referred unto the consideration of Sir William Jones, Knight one of our Judges of our Court of King's bench in England, whereupon hearing Counsel on both sides, hath found and certified that the said Earl by two several indentures about 30th and 31st Elizabeth, did convey and assure the lands now in question unto Sir Valentine Browne, the grandfather, and his son, for about £500 in money, upon conditions for redemption thereof by payment of the monies at any time, and that their lands are affirmed to be worth £1000 per annum, and the profit thereof to have been taken for the use of the money ever since. As also that the said Earl had issue only one daughter, who was married to the said Florence MacCarthy, and hath issue now living, and hereupon thought it not fit that Sir Valentine Browne, the petitioner, should be suffered to pass any Act of Parliament to preclude the said Florence MacCarthy's title, but that the said Florence MacCarthy might take his remedy here, or in Ireland, or we should direct the said Judge, knowing no matter of State that might hinder the same, as by his certificate now fully appeareth: Now, for as much as the said Earl of Clancarr and his heirs had liberty by the said deeds of mortgage, whereof the counterparts are extant under seal, to redeem the lands mortgaged, with payment of the mortgage monies at any time, which mortgage monies as appears by the said (indenture?) are for the Cosmaignes and brought only £421 1s. 2d. and £121 life. 3d., and for Ballicarbry £80, and the said Florance MacCarthy, who married the daughter and heir of the said Earl, is willing to pay all the said moneys accordingly: and the grants obtained from the Crown are only in nature of confirmations. These are now therefore to will and require you, that upon payment made of the said sums of £421 1s. 2d., £121 13s. 3d., and £80 by the said Florence MacCarthy unto the heirs of the said Sir Valentine Browne, or to his use, you forthwith deliver the possession of the said mortgaged lands unto the said Florence MacCarthy, or to his assigns; and that due consideration be had of some recompence to be given to the said Florence MacCarthy, for the mean profit for the time past, and that you make no composition with the heirs or assigns of the said Sir Valentine Browne upon our commission of grace.

Daniel MacCarthy to Lord Viscount Dorchester, 2 November 1630.

May it please Your Lordship. In England I have eaten most of my bread, and altho' Ireland challenges my birth, were it not for feare to encur hatred of the one or be suspected of flattery by the other I could justlye say and sweare without either lying or flattery that there is no nacion under the sun I doe more truely affect than England, and English men; but to avoide the one and the other inconvenience I will onlie refer the further declaring of my integritye on that particular to God first, who knows best the secrets of all hartes, and next to my actions and service, when it shall please God that my Soveraine and the state there may be pleased to employ me. Little is it to be wondered or suspected, that I should be thus affected to England and Englishmen, for I cannot chuse but be so, without I were more than beastlie ungrateful, for that since the year 1617 at which time I entered suite for som few parcells of my birthright, which continued to my great charge pains and travell unto the year 1627, at which time, with much adoe, with the favourable furtherance of my Reverend & Honourable frends my Good Lord's Grace of Canterbury, the late Earle of Totness, the Lord Viscount Grandison, Mr. Endimion Porter, Sir Thomas Stafford and others, and with the especial grace and favour of my good and gracious Soveraine that now is, of whose blessed raign God grant long to continue over us in all happinesse: But my long suite for those parcells, having my father, brother with the rest of my kindred and frends as great persecutors of me, for my religion, as my other adversaries (whereof I had many) for my lands, which they covet, and detaine from me, caused that I became much indebted. In the first yeares of my suite I owed a pretty quantity; and sure, but that I did so, and that I was sorry that some English Gentlemen and others that lent me their money freely and lovingly should lose it, or anything by me, I should never have had the patience to see out the end of my suite, with that miserie I endured with it; but my hastie desire to see all paid their owne made me abide all extremitie, hoping that if I recovered those parcells, as at last I did, I might with them pay everybody; but deceived I was herein, for though it is now three or four years since, yet in all that time I received not above £10 of their rents: My brother whom I appointed overseer over all, hath done with all what he thought fitt: whereupon I, seeing myself altogether disappointed of the expectacion I had of making honest satisfaction, therewith made a second suite for some other parcells of my birthright, hoping if I might recover the same I should thereby be enabled (as indeed I should) to pay my debts, and present those my Reverend and Honourable frends with some small token of my gratefulness, who have so generously, voluntarily and of mere pitty furthered my former suite, as I said. For the gaining of which latter parcells I had His Majesties lettere in my behalf to the Lord Falkland then Lord Deputie of Ireland, but could recover none, to my utter undoing ever since. To renewe me suite for those parcells, but to marry the Lord Archbishop of Cashell's daughter [to] Malcolm Hamilton after his Lordship's death, for a small som of money, and hope of her best frends furtherance of my just suite, but having failed in most of these expectacions, and like to starve in London until an honest Gentleman called Mr Thraile that lives in Durham Yard, did of mere mercie take me into his house, with whom, for money he lent me, and for half a yeares diet I owe forty pounds or thereabouts, which I wish to God with all my harte he had, likewise I owe a worthy honest gentleman and frend of mine called Mr William Northcott of Haine in Devonshire, within three mile of the cittye of Exeter, about £100, and twice as much I owe to two other gentlemen and frends of myne, the one called Capten Thomas Dourich and the other Mr Thos Jay. These debts and crosses, together with other small debts I owe, whereof I doe herewith send your Honor a note, made me fly to this side the seas, but not to slum making honest satisfaction of such due debts or to deprive anie of their own, but in hope I might get some money here for that conceite wherewith I might pay all or most part of my said debts, and to that intent to return suddenlie again for England, but my expectations here also were frustrated, where I did not presume to come before I had my Passe granted me by the Lords there, neither would I ever have come if their Lordships had not granted me my passe: And now being here I am loath to return till I see whether I can get something that maie enable me to paye my debts there honestlie, and gratifye my frends. Som Irishmen here persuade me to go serve the French King because he is of alleyance and leigue with my own Soveraine Lorde, promising and assuring me not onlie that they will procure that I shall have intertainment of a Regiment, but that alsoe all Tyrone's regiment or most part of them will follow me, which before I would return back for England, or take that or anie other course I thot fitt to present to Your Honourable consideration, this being a service that to my knowledge hath bin alwaies laboured, much desired and often attempted, but never as yet effected, because no good or certen course hath been taken for the same. If His Majestie and the State will be pleased to imploy me herein, or in anie other service that shall not savour anie way of baseness, or shall not be against divine or human laws or the qualitie of a Gentleman, I will to the uttermost of my power, with the hazard of my life effect it, and especially this of drawing this regiment of Tyrone from serving the Spaniard, to serve the French King, so that I be sure that it be an acceptable service to the King and State, and that His Majestie and the State will vouchsafe to command me thereunto, and accordingly recommend me to the French King that he may grant me the command of a regiment or of soe manye as I shall bring thither. Your Lordship and the world shall see that I will performe the part of a true & loyall subject therein, though to tell Your Lordship truelye I am not all given to warr, valor or killing of men, and had rather undertake to do His Majestie and the State anie other service rather then what belongs to warres.

Neverthelesse to do my Soveraine and the State service I will (contrarie to my affection to such exercises) hazard my life: or if your Lordship hold not this materiall for His Majestie's service (though I know if the Irishmen were once brot from serving the Spaniard it would breede a jealousie for ever betweene them) howsoever for my good will I humblie beseech Your Honor so far to comiserat and tender my miserable case, thus banished for debt, and the case of my poore wyfe, from whom I am forced to absent myself, so far as to cause that my father and brother may satisfye my said debts, out hand with those lands and rents which His Majestie caused me to be so possessed of three or four yeares since, called Castellogh and 13 ploughlands, and that some other meanes may be there settled for me and my wyfe's maintenance, either of my own birthright or yearlie allowance from His Majestie, that I may returne home again to London, from whence I think my absence to long; If it were God's will your Lordship should think fitt to employ me in that occasion of France great care is requisit to be had that the Spanish Ambassador there, or anie Irish or English Spanishlie affected, hear not of the intention or any thing thereof. My integritie and earnest desire and ambition to follow the steps of my ancestors in their services to the crowne of England, whose actions and loyaltie I will not onlie defend against all calumnies of adversaries that should tax them with the least act of Treacherie or Treason since the first submission of Ireland tothat crowne: witness the records of Tower and Chancery of London, witness more particularly the Patent granted by King Henry 7th to one of them in the 12th yeare of his raine extant now in that chancery: Alsoe my zeal to outr church, and to the observance of God's holy lau, and commandment, wherebye he wills all men to be true loyall and faithful to their natural princes, and therefore not by anie Christian tobe violated: and who ever doeth is, and shall be accursed in my opinion; Lastly the odious conceipt and abominable estimation I have of that name of Traitor. All which I humblie leave to your goode Lordship's most honble and grave consideracion. Humblie taking my leave I am ever your Honor's truelye devoted in all observance humblie to serve.

Post Scripta.—One thing more I must refer or present to your Lordship's consideracion is that if I be in France employed I shall be able still to certifye the state truely still of what shall be intended by the Irish or Spaniards against the King and State in Brussels Rome and Maderid, so that, as I said your Lordship will keep secret from the knowledge of the Spanish ambassador, and all such as are of English or Irish either Spanishlie or Popishlie affected, be they of the Council or otherwise, be they suspected or known.

Calis

DANIEL MC CARTHY.109

Daniel, eldest surviving son of Florence MacCarthy, to Dudley Carlton, Viscount Dorchester, 11 November 1631.

To the Right Honourable the Lord Viscount Dorchester Principall Secretarye to His Majestie, and of the Privie Councell.

Right Honourable I am that poore Gentleman that presumed from beyond seas, in a tedious confused manner to write to your Lordship, humblie tendering my service, with a full and cordial expression of my integritie to His Majestie, the State & Religion.

Your Honor received it at the hands of Mr. Thomas Jay my good frend, who since my arrival told me your Honor's good and noble acceptance thereof, wishing me to present myself to your Lordship to render the dewtie I am obliged to so noble a disposicion conceived without anie meritt in me or of myne. But I being a poore Gentleman altogether dejected and cast down by misery and misfortune, dare not presume myself worthy to present myself or speake, much lesse to call me your servant, and soe dare not draw neere to do those dewties, without your Honor will be pleased to give a gracious admittance to him that may happilye doe your Honor more acceptable service then others that may promise more, and be chargeablie hired, or then my former letter could induce your Lordship to imagine me so serviceable. My Lord the ould proverb ever ruleth 'A goudlen sword is sometimes seathed in a leaden seathe.' The reason why I troble not Mr. Jay now to geve your Lordship notice of me your Honor shall learn upon my admittance. If your Lordship be pleased to conceive me dewtifull, be pleased also to acquaint none with my coming to your Lordship, or my name, be pleased onlie to call me Mr. George Watts, who notwithstanding humblie remain as I am ever

Your Lordships humble, poore, distressed (in what manner your honor pleases to esteeme me) readie to do all service to my poore power

DANIEL MACCARTHY.

Daniel MacCarthy to Dorchester, 19 November 1631.

To the Right Honourable Lorde Viscount Dorchester from George Watts [alias Daniel MacCarthy].

Right Honourable when last your Honor vouchsafed me admittance to present myself to your Honor, though far unworthy the favour, your Lordship then desired me to declare circumstances with the names of such parties whom the matter concerns. If please your Honor to remember, I then said as my conscience and zeal enforced me, out of meere dewtie loyaltie and integritie to His Majestie, the State and religion, and discover those things that came to my knowledge, which I fear may concern all more than is imagined, or as yet dreamt of hitherto, for which others not long since have been like to suffer innocentlie, and as I doe not expecte anie reward from His Majestie, and the State for what I declare for their service, nor have or can have anie end therein, so on the other side I told your Lordship my conscience alsoe restrained me from naming parties, least anie should receive detriment in body or goods, by anie thing that should proceede from me, which your Honor was pleased to promise me, none should that I should name, nor myselfe be published for author of this service; presuming thereon I doe now cite to your Lordship the substance of what I have to utter, together with the names of so many of the parties whom it concerneth, as I can at present call to minde, humblie beseeching your good Lordship upon my knees that you will be pleased to remember alwaies your honorable promise to me your unworthy poore servant, in their behalfes, as I shall be both quite disabled, and altogether dishartened to doe anie service for the future, according my most loyall intent, neither (under favor) must suddaine notice be taken of things; onlie an undelayed fortifying and securing of all those places as I shall name.

The Partie.

The partie by whom I came to knowledge of what shall
now followe, was one Condon, an Irishman in a Towne
called Burbrook in Flanders, this somer was twelvemonth
as I take it.

The Irish, their plott to be tould

Certen Irish their plott to sack, burne spoil and kill a
whole new planted Towne of English, of great trading,
where he said they were sure tohave armour for a thousand
men, and money to maintain them a good while;
as also the sacking and spoiling of all the new planted
English townes through the whole province of Monster and totake and
fortifye Limebrick a cittie there, and make it their residence of State,
being neere the center of Ireland, and at hand for the discontented of all
partes to repayre to, and for that two winds serves thence to Spaine
and back, and manie from England.

The Parties undertakers herein
both temporall and spirituall both
openly and underhand both living
and dead.

First Condon's own chefe and
kinsman called Mr. David Condon,
who though he be one of the
meanest among all the rest, was chefe
actor or hatcher of this plott. The
names of the rest is as followeth.

1st. The Lord Kierry deceased
Mr. McDonogh, alias Dermond Mac
Carthy, deceased.
The Lord of Muskree, that
lives.

According to Condon's relacion
The temporall, openly so soon as things
were executed and otherwise.

Mr. Morrice Roche the Lord his son & heir.
Mr. John Power, son and heir to Sir Wm. Power.
Mr. Edmund Fitz John Gerald of Ballymarter.
Mr. O'Sullevan Beere, besides divers I remember not.

The temporal underhand assistants for as many
as Condon knew, who said he was sure there were
others.

The Lord Earle of
Barrymore.
The Lord Sarsfield,
chefe Justice of
the Common Pleas.

The Spirituall Papists
according to Condon's relacion,
and as I can remember
at present.

The Archbishop of Tuam called Flahry,
resident, and dead since, in Spaine. 110
The Archbishop of Cassell, dead since also. 111
The Bishop of Corke, now living in
Ireland, and brother in law to the Lord
Sarsfield.

Robert Fitz David Barry, Prior of Ross.
Owen Field, of eminence alsoe.
Richard Connelo, the lyke.
Philip Holyhan, alsoe one Strang, or Strange, whose christen name
I know uot, with a far greater rabbel that I cannot remember.

This is, my Lord, a true relacion of soe much of the discourse happened twixt me and Condon, in Burbrook. I have other things to acquaint your Honor withal, both of passages that shall confirm, in a maner, those things to your Lordship's judgment which are partlie of myne owne knowledge, and partlie of Condon's, and make the actions or practices of others known to your Honor, and when your Lordship is at full leisure to heare, I will imparte, which are much as I can remember, what else shall come to my knowledge or remembrance your Lordship shall be alsoe acquainted therewith from time to time, and surelye much more was tould beyond seas by many, but I neither remember them, nor what they said, as yet onlie this much I remember, and I thank God I remember it, and I think it is well I doe, and truelye I had remembered the rest had I thot your Lordship would esteeme my accompt; what I remember I humblie, truelye, freelye, and ingenuouslye imparte it to your Lordship, without desire of harm to anie, as your Honor may well perceive, or glorie, gain or reward, or end, but that onlie end, which of all ends I hould myself bond in dewtie and conscience to have alwaies chefe regard unto, which is the preservation and welfare of His Majestie, the State and Religion. If your Lordship shall be displeased because I have not presented your Honor with these things so soone as I arrived here, be pleased to blaim my dejected state through my manifold crosses and misfortunes, and not my good will or loyaltie, that wanted nothing but a bringer on, being doubtfull and fearfull who to reveale these things unto in this uncerten age, least I should be discovered as author of the service. I humblie crave both your Lordship's pardon and patronage If your Honor will be pleased to make use of me or hould me worthy tobe your Honor's servant, your Lordship shall finde me both faithfull, trustie, and serviceable to my power; and will, if your Honor will give me leave, prescribe a waie without charge to His Majestie wherebye I may be best made serviceable to work in time what may be most acceptable in bringing hidden things to light; for as I said to your Honor that your Lordship nor anie could make me more willing, readie, loyall and faithfull, but far more able your Honor may, which I humblie leave to your Honourable consideration, whereunto I refer myself, humblie kissing your Honor's hands, taking leave and remaining

The meanest of Your Lordship's servants,
GEORGE WATTS.

Petition of Florence MacCarthy to the privy council, circa 1630/1.

Shewing that where he hath petitioned to your Lordships for certain lands of his that (in his close restraint so many years, as it was not known there that he was alive,) some of his own country people entered into and keeps, which cause your Lordships referred to the Earl of Thomond and the Lord Carewe, and Baron Denham, that (a little before your suppliant's last commitment to the Gatehouse) certified their knowledge hereof, he therefore humbly beseecheth, in respect that your suppliant doeth not sue for £1000 lands a year, of his that is kept from him under color of a small mortgage of his predecessor, nor for his father's inheritance, which upon a reference from your Lordships is formerly certified to be his right, but for a small thing as appears by their certificate, that it will please your Lordships to give order that their said certificate may be made known to His Majesty, to whose gracious consideration he is left by them. And he shall ever pray, &c. &c. 112

Sir Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford, lord deputy of Ireland, to Secretary Coke, 18 August 1637. 113

Yours of the 9th of the month, and therein a Petition contained, concerns only Mr Florence Mac Cartie. I believe his suit will appear clamourous; and sure, if all be true of him they say here, is a person that deserves no favour having been as false and malevolent to the crown during the late rebellion, as any other in the province of Munster. I hear nothing at all of him; and to become the solicitor for such a fellow is not at all pleasing to my nature; yet, that I may in the least, as in the greatest, give despatch unto the commands of his Majestie, I have sent the copie of the petition to Sir Valentine Browne, requiring him to send his answer, which I am confident will be such as will manifest the little right this cunning old traitor hath to anie of the lands he claimeth. 114

Mr Secretary Coke to Strafford.

&c. &c. &c. Florence Mac Carthy
is left to your Justice.

Document details

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Title statement

Title (uniform): Letter Book of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mór

Author: [Various]

Editor: Daniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-Chroim

Responsibility statement

Electronic edition compiled by: Benjamin Hazard

Funded by: University College, Cork, via the HEA (PRTLI 4)

Edition statement

1. First draft, re-proofed.

Extent: 123500 words

Publication statement

Publisher: CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts: a project of the School of History, University College Cork

Address: College Road, Cork, Ireland http://www.ucc.ie/celt

Date: 2013

Distributor: CELT online at University College, Cork, Ireland.

CELT document ID: E600000

Availability: Available with prior consent of the CELT programme for purposes of academic research and teaching only.

Notes statement

This electronic edition represents only the primary source content relating to Florence MacCarthy and his extended family, with secondary narrative from the printed edition omitted. In the hardcopy, the primary source material is structured in the main body of the text; in lists; and in tables. The mark-up in the electronic edition follows the same approach.

Source description

Primary sources, including those cited by Daniel McCarthy Glas.

  1. For details of correspondence from 1589–1607 among the Salisbury Mss (some of Florence MacCarthy's letters preserved at Hatfield House were not among those published by Daniel McCarthy Glas); eight letters from 1600–1608 in Lambeth Palace Library; and copies of Florence MacCarthy's discourse on Irish history preserved at Trinity College Library, Dublin, the Bodleian Library, Oxford, and the British Library, London, see Richard Hayes (ed.), Manuscript sources for the history of Irish civilisation, with supplement volume (Boston 1965 & 1979); http://sources.nli.ie/
  2. Dublin, National Library of Ireland, Ms. 132: 'Correspondence of John O'Donovan with Daniel McCarthy Glas, with letters to O'Donovan from Sir William Wilde and others' (1845–61).
  3. Philip O'Sullivan Beare, Historiae Catholicae Iberniae compendium (Lisbon 1621; repr. Dublin 1850).
  4. Thomas Stafford, Pacata Hibernia: or, A history of the wars in Ireland during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, especially within the province of Munster under the government of Sir George Carew, and compiled by his direction and appointment (London 1633, repr. 2 vols. Dublin 1896), volume 1.
  5. William Camden, The history of the most renowned and victorious Princess Elizabeth late Queen of England, containing all the most important and remarkable passages of state, both at home and abroad [...] during her long and prosperous reign (4th ed., London 1688).
  6. C. P. Meehan (ed. & tr.), The Geraldines, their rise, increase and ruin (Dublin 1847).
  7. John O'Donovan (ed. & tr.), Annála Ríoghachta Éireann: Annals of the kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters (7 vols, Dublin 1848–51; repr. 1990).
  8. The tribes of Ireland: a satire, by Aenghus O'Daly; with poetical translation by James Clarence Mangan together with a historical account of the O'Daly family and an introduction to the history of satire in Ireland, by John O'Donovan (Dublin 1852).
  9. Daniel McCarthy (ed.), 'Expenses of the courtiers of Queen Elizabeth,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2, 1/2, (1857) 247–250.
  10. Daniel McCarthy (ed.), 'The 'Jorney' of the Blackwater: from the State Papers of Queen Elizabeth,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2, 1/2, (1857) 256–282.
  11. Charles Whitehead (ed.), 'Hymn composed by Sir Walter Raleigh while confined in the Tower of London, extracted from the Life and Times of Sir W. Raleigh,' The Kerry Magazine: a monthly journal of antiquities, polite literature, criticism, poetry, 3 (1856) 168.
  12. Daniel McCarthy (ed.), 'Charter granted by Dermot MacCarthy, king of Munster, to the church of St. John at Cork,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2, 2/1 (1858) 209–215.
  13. John O'Donovan (ed.), 'Letter of Florence MacCarthy to the earl of Thomond on the ancient history of Ireland,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., 1 (1858) 203–29.
  14. John O'Donovan (ed.), 'Military proclamation in the Irish language issued by Hugh O'Neill, earl of Tyrone, in 1601,' Ulster Journal of Archaeology, ser. 1, 6 (1858) 57–65.
  15. John Maclean (ed.), Letters from Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew (London 1864).
  16. J.S. Brewer & William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the Carew manuscripts preserved in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth, 1515–1624 (6 vols, London 1867–73).
  17. Cal. S.P. Domestic: Elizabeth, Jan. 1598–Feb. 1601, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (London 1869).
  18. Daniel McCarthy (ed.), 'The Spanishe Letter' written by 'Don Dermicio Cartie' to Florence MacCarthy, in 1600,' Jn. Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, ser. 4, 1/2 (1871) 334–346.
  19. John T. Gilbert (ed.), Facsimiles of the National Manuscripts of Ireland (4 vols, Dublin 1874–84).
  20. Edmund Ignatius Hogan (ed.), Description of Ireland & the state thereof as it is at this present in anno 1598 (Dublin 1878).
  21. John T. Gilbert (ed.), A contemporary history of affairs in Ireland from 1641 to 1652 (Dublin 1879) 442–8.
  22. Calendar of the State Papers, Spanish, ed. M.A.S. Hume (4 vols, London 1892–9).
  23. Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, ed. H.C. Hamilton, E.G. Atkinson and R.P. Mahaffy (24 vols, London 1860–1912; repr. Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus, 1974–79); Elizabeth, 1574–85 (London 1867); 1586–8 (London 1877); 1588–92 (London 1885); 1592–96 (London 1890); 1596–97 (London 1893); 1598–99 (London 1895); 1599–1600 (London 1899); 1600 (London 1903); 1600–01, with addenda for earlier years (London 1912); 1601–03, with addenda, 1565–1654 (London 1912); James I, 1603–1606 (London 1872); 1606–08 (London 1874); 1608–10 (London 1874); 1611–14 (London 1877); 1615–25 (London 1880); Charles I, 1625–32 (London 1872); 1633–47 (4 vols, London 1900–03). For the official archives of the Secretaries of State from the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII in 1509, at The National Archives at Kew: http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/records/research-guides/state-papers-ireland-1509-1782.htm
  24. Nicholas Browne, 'Munster in A.D.1597,' Jn. Cork Hist. Arch. Soc., 12 (1906) 54–68.
  25. Osborn Bergin (ed.), 'A letter to London' by Fear Feasa ón Cháinti, Irish Review, 2 (1913) 623–27.
  26. Robert O'Connell & Richard O'Ferrall, Commentarius Rinuccinianus de Sedis apostolicae legatione ad Foederatos Hiberniae Catholicos per annos 1645–1649, ed. Stanislaus Kavanagh et al. (6 vols, Dublin 1932–49).
  27. T. W. Moody (ed.), 'The school-bills of Conn O'Neill at Eton, 1615–22,' Irish Historical Studies, 2/6 (1940) 189.
  28. Philip Caraman (tr.), John Gerard: autobiography of an Elizabethan (London 1951; repr. 1988, 2011).
  29. A. J. Collins (ed.), 'The death-warrant of Robert Earl of Essex,' British Museum Quarterly, 16 (1951) 37–8.
  30. Séamus Pender (ed.), 'The O Clery Book of Genealogies: 23 D 17 (R.I.A.),' Analecta Hibernica, No. 18 (1951) ix, xi–xxxiii, 1–198.
  31. Aidan Clarke (ed.), 'A discourse between two councillors of state, the one of England, and the other of Ireland (1642) from B.M., Egerton MS. 917,' Analecta Hibernica, 26 (1970) 159, 161–175.
  32. Micheline Kerney Walsh (ed.), 'O Sullivan Beare in Spain: some unpublished documents,' Archivium Hibernicum, 45 (1990) 46–63.
  33. Pádraig de Brún, Litir ó Thor Londain, in: É 22 (1987), 49–53. [Letter written to Fear Feasa Ó an Cháinte ca. 1600 by Fínghin Mac Carthaigh during captivity in England, with English translation by the same. From MS Hatfield House, Library of Lord Salisbury, Cecil papers 205/82.]
  34. Hiram Morgan (ed.), 'The 1597 ceasefire documents,' Dúiche Néill, 11 (1997) 8–33.
  35. Cornelius Buttimer, 'An Irish inscription in the Tower of London,' Jn. Cork Historical & Archaeological Society, 107 (2002) 211–16.
  36. Margaret Clayton, The Council Book for the Province of Munster, c.1599–1649: British Library, Ms. Harleian 697 (Dublin 2008).
  37. For the Clancarthy, Desmond and Petworth Surveys, edited by Professor John A. Murphy and Emer Purcell, see: ucc.ie/celt/published/E580000-001.

Further sources about the McCarthys, Tudor and Stuart history, including those cited by Daniel McCarthy Glas.

  1. Richard Cox, Hibernia Anglicana; or the History of Ireland from the Conquest thereof by the English to this present Time. With an Introductory Discourse touching the Ancient State of that Kingdom; and a new and Exact Map of the same, 2 vols. (London: H. Clark and Joseph Watts 1689–90).
  2. Charles Smith, The antient and present state of the county and city of Cork (2 vols, Dublin 1750; repr. Cork 1815).
  3. John Britton and Edward Wedlake Brayley, Memoirs of the Tower of London comprising historical and descriptive accounts of that national fortress and palace: anecdotes of state prisoners, of the armouries, jewels, regalia, records, menagerie &c. (London 1830) 124.
  4. P. Louis Lainé, Généalogie de la maison Mac-Carty: Anciennement Souveraine des deux Momonies ou de l'Irlande méridionale (Paris 1839).
  5. Denis Florence McCarthy (ed. & tr.), The book of Irish ballads (Dublin 1846; revd. 1869).
  6. Denis Florence McCarthy (ed. & tr.), Dramas of Calderón, tragic, comic, and legendary (London 1853).
  7. Denis Florence McCarthy, 'History of the celebrated Florence McCarthy,' The Kerry Magazine: a monthly journal of antiquities, polite literature, criticism, poetry, 3 (1856) 35–6.
  8. Daniel McCarthy, 'Of the takeing awaie of a gentlewoman, the youngest daughter of Sir Nicholas Bagenall, late Marshall of her Majestie's armie, by the Erle of Tirowen,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2, 1/2 (1857) 298–311.
  9. Daniel McCarthy, 'Notes on Irish dress and armour in the 16th century,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2, 1/2 (1857) 364–370.
  10. Daniel McCarthy, 'State-craft in the 16th century, as illustrated by a series of documents from Her Majesty's State paper Office,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2, 1/2 (1857) 398–420.
  11. Daniel McCarthy, 'The disaster of Wicklow, 1599,' Jn. Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2/2 (1859) 428–440.
  12. Richard Sainthill, 'The Old Countess of Desmond. An inquiry: did she seek redress at the court of Queen Elizabeth as recorded in the journal of Robert Sydney, Earl of Leycester and did she ever sit for her portrait?,' Proc. RIA, 7 (1857–61) 429–73.
  13. Denis Florence McCarthy (ed. & tr.), 'Calderón's Autos Sacramentales. The sorceries of sin,' in The Atlantis, 2/4 (1859) 277–323.
  14. John O'Donovan, 'The lost and missing Irish manuscripts,' Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 1st ser., 9 (1861–2) 16–28.
  15. G.T. Clark, 'Some particulars concerning the military architecture of the Tower of London,' Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Old London (London 1867) 11–189.
  16. Mary Anne Sadlier, MacCarthy More; or the fortunes of an Irish chief in the reign of Queen Elizabeth (New York 1868).
  17. 'Her Majesty's Tower: a book of that name by William Hepworth Dixon reviewed,' The Dublin University magazine: a literary and political journal, 73 (1869) 302–11; 74 (1869) 517–21.
  18. D.C. Bell, Notices of the historic persons buried in the Chapel of St Peter ad Vincula in the Tower of London (London 1877).
  19. Denis Murphy, 'The Sugán earl of Desmond,' Irish Monthly, 5 (1877) 275–286; 489–500.
  20. Robert Young, 'O'Neale's escape out of the Tower of London,' Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 2nd ser., 1/1 (1894) 70–4.
  21. John Lyons, 'Togher Castle and district, Co. Cork. With photographs by Denham Franklin,' Jn. Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, ser. 2, 1 (1895) 481–497.
  22. James Coleman, 'Contributions to Irish biography No. 31 — Daniel McCarthy (Glas),' The Irish Monthly, 24 (1896) 410–418.
  23. Martin Hume, Spain, its greatness and decay (Cambridge 1898).
  24. Geoffrey Keating, Foras Feasa ar Éirinn, ed. Comyn & Dinneen, Irish Texts Society 4, 8–9, 15 (4 vols, London 1902–15; repr. 1987).
  25. John Fulleylove and Arthur Poyser, The Tower of London (London 1908).
  26. Richard Bagwell, Ireland under the Stuarts (3 vols, London 1909–16).
  27. William Hennessy, 'Desmond Inquisition of 1584,' Kerry Archaeological Magazine, 4 (1910) 213–26; 5 (1910) 263-79.
  28. Samuel McCarthy, 'The Clann Carthaigh,' Kerry Archaeological Magazine, 1/4 (1910) 195-208; 1/7 (1911) 385-402; 1/8 (1912) 447–466; 2/9 (1912) 2–24.
  29. W. F. Butler, 'The pedigree and succession of the House of Mac Carthy Mór, with a map,' in Jn. Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 11 (1921) 32–48.
  30. Samuel MacCarthy, The MacCarthys of Munster: the story of a great Irish sept (Dundalk 1922).
  31. Brendan Jennings (ed.), 'Brussels MS 3947: Donatus Moneyus, De Provinciae Hiberniae S. Francisci' [and] 'Brevis synopsis Provinciae Hiberniae FF. Minorum', Analecta Hibernica, 6 (1934), 12–191.
  32. J.B. Black, The reign of Elizabeth, 1558-1603, G.N. Clark (ed.), The Oxford history of England, vol. 8 (Oxford, 1936).
  33. Godfrey Davies, The early Stuarts, 1603-1660, G.N. Clark (ed.), The Oxford history of England, vol. 8 (Oxford 1937).
  34. Paul Walsh (ed.), 'O Donnell Genealogies,' Analecta Hibernica, 8 (1938) 373, 375–418.
  35. W.T. Walsh, Philip II (London 1938; repr. 1987).
  36. G. A. Hayes-McCoy, 'Strategy and tactics in Irish warfare, 1593-1601,' Irish Historical Studies, 2 (1941) 255–79.
  37. Frederick Jones, 'The Spaniards and Kinsale, 1601,' Jn. Galway Arch. Hist. Soc., 21 (1944) 1–43.
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  71. Katherine Simms, From kings to warlords: the changing political structure of Gaelic Ireland in the later middle ages (Woodbridge 1987).
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  98. Denise Maher, Kilcrea friary: Franciscan heritage in County Cork (Ballincollig 1999).
  99. Hiram Morgan (ed.), Political ideology in Ireland 1541-1641 (Dublin 1999).
  100. Hiram Morgan, ''Overmighty officers': the Irish lord deputyship in the early modern British state,' History Ireland, 7/4 (1999) 17-21.
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  102. Anne Chambers, Eleanor Countess of Desmond, c.1545-1638 (Dublin repr. 2000).
  103. Peter Lake and Michael Questier, 'Puritans, papists, and the 'public sphere' in early modern England: the Edmund Campion affair in context,' Jn. Modern History, 72/3 (2000) 587-627.
  104. Paul MacCotter, 'The cantreds of Desmond,' Jn. Cork Hist. Arch. Soc., 105 (2000) 49-68.
  105. Jerrold Casway, 'The decline and fate of Dónal Ballagh O'Cahan and his family,' in Micheál Ó Siochrú (ed.), Kingdoms in crisis: Ireland in the 1640s (Dublin 2001) 44-62.
  106. Patrick Duffy, David Edwards & Elizabeth Fitzpatrick (eds.), Gaelic Ireland, c. 1250-1650: land, lordship and settlement (Dublin 2001; repr. 2004).
  107. Anna Keay, The Elizabethan Tower of London: the Haiward and Gascoyne plan of 1597 (London 2001).
  108. John McGurk, 'The Battle of Kinsale, 1601,' History Ireland [Ireland and Spain through the ages], 9 (2001) 16-21.
  109. Hiram Morgan (ed.), Information, media and power through the ages: Historical Studies XXII: papers read before the 24th Irish Conference of Historians held at University College Cork, 20-22 May 1999 (Dublin 2001).
  110. Hiram Morgan, 'Spanish armadas and Ireland,' in Luc François & Ann Katherine Isaacs (eds.), The Sea in European history (Pisa 2001) 219-28.
  111. Micheal Ó Siochrú (ed.), Kingdoms in crisis: Ireland in the 1640s; essays in honour of Donal Cregan (Dublin 2001).
  112. Patricia Palmer, Language and conquest in early-modern Ireland: English Renaissance literature and Elizabethan imperial expansion (Cambridge 2001).
  113. Nicholas Canny, Making Ireland British, 1580—1650. (Oxford 2001).
  114. J.J. Silke, 'Kinsale reconsidered,' Studies: an Irish quarterly review, 90 (2001) 412-21.
  115. Francis Edwards, Plots and plotters in the reign of Elizabeth I (Dublin 2002).
  116. John McCavitt, Flight of the Earls, (repr. Dublin 2002).
  117. John McGurk, 'The Kinsale campaign: siege, battle and rout,' Seanchas Ardmhacha, 19 (2002) 59-69.
  118. Hiram Morgan, 'Calendars in conflict : dating the battle of Kinsale,' History Ireland, 10/2 (2002) 16-20.
  119. Thomas O'Connor, 'Diplomatic preparations for Kinsale: Lombard's Commentarius (1600)' in Enrique García Hernán, Óscar Recio Morales et al. (eds.), Irlanda y la monarquía hispánica: Kinsale 1601-2001. Guerra, política, exilio y religión (Madrid 2002) 137-50.
  120. Ciaran O'Scea, 'En busca de papeles: la transformación de la cultura oral de los inmigrantes irlandeses desde La Coruña hasta la Corte' in Enrique García Hernán, Óscar Recio Morales et al. (eds.), Irlanda y la monarquía hispánica: Kinsale 1601-2001. Guerra, política, exilio y religión (Madrid 2002) 359-80.
  121. Óscar Recio Morales, El socorro de Irlanda en 1601 y la contribución del ejército a la integración social de los irlandeses en España (Madrid 2002).
  122. Alzada Tipton, ''Lively patterns...for affayres of state': Sir John Hayward's the Life and Reigne of King Henrie VIII and the Earl of Essex,' Sixteenth Century Journal, 33 (2002) 769-94.
  123. Nicholas Canny, 'Writing early-modern history: Ireland, Britain, and the wider world,' The Historical Journal 46 (2003) 723-47.
  124. John Dorney 'Florence MacCarthy and the conquest of Gaelic Munster, 1560-1640' (Unpublished M.A. thesis, University College Dublin 2003).
  125. David Edwards, The Ormond lordship in County Kilkenny, 1515-1642 (Dublin 2003).
  126. Thomas O'Connor & Mary Ann Lyons (eds.), Irish migrants in Europe after Kinsale, 1602-1820 (Dublin 2003).
  127. Ciaran O'Scea, 'The significance and legacy of Spanish intervention in west Munster during the battle of Kinsale' in O'Connor & Lyons (eds.), Irish migrants in Europe after Kinsale, 32-63.
  128. Aidan Breen, 'MacCarthy Reagh, Florence [Finian Mac Cárthaigh Riabhach, 1562–c.1640],' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (60 vols, Oxford University Press 2004) vol. 35, 117-119.
  129. Raymond Gillespie, 'Planned migration to Ireland in the seventeenth century,' in Patrick Duffy & Gerard Moran (eds.), To and from Ireland: planned migration schemes c.1600—2000 (Dublin 2004) 39–56.
  130. B.A. Harrison, The Tower of London prisoner book: a complete chronology of the persons known to be detained at their Majesties' pleasure, 1100-1941 (Leeds 2004).
  131. Anthony McCormack, 'The social and economic consequences of the Desmond rebellion of 1579-1583,' Irish Historical Studies, 34 (2004) 1-15.
  132. Enrique García Hernán, 'Philip II's forgotten Armada' in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale (Dublin 2004) 45-58.
  133. Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale (Dublin 2004).
  134. Hiram Morgan, 'The historiography and heritage of the battle of Kinsale,' in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 9-44.
  135. Hiram Morgan, 'Missions comparable? the Lough Foyle and Kinsale landings of 1600 and 1601,' in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 73-90.
  136. Hiram Morgan, 'Contemporary English maps of the siege and Battle of Kinsale,' in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 359-363.
  137. Hiram Morgan, 'Disaster of Kinsale,' in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 101-146.
  138. Hiram Morgan, 'Jordan Roche, Kinsale,' in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 353-358.
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  141. David Edwards, 'Tanaiste,' in Seán Duffy (ed.), Medieval Ireland: an encyclopedia (Dublin 2005) 445.
  142. Anthony McCormack, The earldom of Desmond, 1463-1583: the decline and crisis of a feudal lordship (Dublin 2005).
  143. Hiram Morgan, 'Gaelic lordship and Tudor conquest: Tír Eoghain, 1541-1603,' History Ireland, 13/5 (2005) 38-43.
  144. June Schlueter, 'Michael van Meer's Album Amicorum, with illustrations of London, 1614-15,' Huntington Library Quarterly, 69/2 (2006) 301-14.
  145. Colin Breen, An archaeology of southwest Ireland, 1570-1670 (Dublin 2007).
  146. Kate Hamlyn, 'Blarney Castle: myth and reality,' Irish Arts Review, 24/4 (2007) 126-9.
  147. Anthony Johnston, 'The Tower of London and the Nine Years War,' (Unpublished M.A. dissertation, Trinity College, Dublin 2007).
  148. John McGurk, 'The Flight of the Earls: escape or strategic regrouping?,' History Ireland, [The Flight of the Earls] 15 (2007) 16-21.
  149. Mervyn O'Driscoll, 'The MacCarthy chieftains of Gleannacroim and Dunmanway, 1254-1688,' Dunmanway Doings: Dunmanway Historical Society Journal, 3 (2008) 60-5.
  150. Mervyn O'Driscoll, 'MacCarthy Glas commemorative plaques,' Dunmanway Doings: Dunmanway Historical Society Journal, 3 (2008) 66-70.
  151. Stephen Alford, Burghley: William Cecil at the court of Elizabeth I (New Haven CT 2008).
  152. Benjamin Hazard, 'Gaelic political scripture in the sixteenth century: Uí Mhaoil Chonaire scribes and the Book of Art Buide Mac Murchadha Caomhánach,' in Proceedings of the Twenty-third Annual Harvard Celtic Colloquium (Cambridge MA 2008) 149-64.
  153. Terry Clavin, 'MacCarthy Reagh, Florence (Finian, Finghín),' Dictionary of Irish Biography (Cambridge 2009) vol. 5, 826-828.
  154. Ruth Ahnert, 'Writing in the Tower of London during the Reformation, ca.1530–1558', Huntington Library Quarterly, 72 (2009) 168-192.
  155. Benjamin Hazard, Faith and patronage: the political career of Flaithrí Ó Maolchonaire, c.1560-1629 (Dublin 2009; repr. 2010).
  156. Enrique García Hernán, Ireland and Spain in the reign of Philip II (Dublin 2009).
  157. Hiram Morgan, ''Making Ireland Spanish': the political writings of Philip O'Sullivan Beare,' in Jason Harris & Keith Sidwell (eds.), Making Ireland Roman: Irish neo-Latin writers and the Republic of letters (Cork 2009) 86-108.
  158. Rory Rapple, Martial power and Elizabethan political culture: military men in England and Ireland, 1558-1594 (Cambridge 2009).
  159. Colin Rynne & James Lyttleton (eds.), Plantation Ireland: settlement and material culture, 1550—1700 (Dublin 2009).
  160. John McGurk, 'Irish prisoners in the Tower of London: prerequisites for plantation,' in David Finnegan, Marie-Claire Harrigan & Éamonn Ó Ciardha (eds.), The Flight of the Earls: Imeacht na nIarlaí (Derry 2010) 237-46.
  161. Rory Sherlock, 'Changing perceptions: spatial analysis and the study of the Irish tower house,' Chateau Gaillard, 24 (2010) 239-50.
  162. Enrique García Hernán, 'Matériel para la Battala de Kinsale,' in Igor Pérez Tostado & Enrique García Hernán (eds.), Irlanda y el Atlántico Ibérico: movilidad, participacióon e intercambio cultural, 1580-1823. Ireland and the Iberian Atlantic: mobility, involvement and cross-cultural exchange, 1580-1823 (Valencia 2011) 69-93.
  163. Mark Hutchinson, 'Reformed protestantism and the government of Ireland, c.1565 to 1580: the lord deputyships of Henry Sidney and Arthur Grey,' The Sidney Journal, 29 (2011) 71-104.
  164. Sinéad Quirke, 'Plantation-era castellated houses,' Archaeology Ireland, Heritage Guide No. 52, ed. Tom Condit and Gabriel Cooney (2011).
  165. Irial Glynn & J. Olaf Kleist (eds.), History, memory and migration: perceptions of the past and the politics of incorporation (London 2012).
  166. Christopher Maginn, William Cecil, Ireland and the Tudor state (Oxford 2012).
  167. Eduardo de Mesa Gallego, 'The Irish tercios in the Spanish military revolution, 1621-1644' (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University College Dublin 2013).
  168. Enrique García Hernán (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 1601-1602: study and documents (Valencia 2013).
  169. Ruth Ahnert, The rise of prison literature in the sixteenth century (Cambridge – Forthcoming).
  170. Hiram Morgan (ed.), 'The Deputy's defence: Sir William Fitzwilliam's Apology on the outbreak of the Nine Years War,' Proc. RIA (Forthcoming).

The edition used in the digital edition

Reagh, Florence Mac Carthy et al. (1867). The Life and Letters of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mor, with some portion of ’The Histories of the Ancient Families of the South of Ireland,’ compiled solely from unpublished documents in Her Majesty’s State Papers Office.‍ Ed. by Daniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-Chroim. 1st ed. xii + 515 pp. London & Dublin; Facsimile repr. Cork: Miros Press, 1975.

You can add this reference to your bibliographic database by copying or downloading the following:

@book{E600000,
  title 	 = {The Life and Letters of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mor, with some portion of 'The Histories of the Ancient Families of the South of Ireland,' compiled solely from unpublished documents in Her Majesty's State Papers Office.},
  author 	 = {Florence Mac Carthy Reagh and others},
  editor 	 = { Daniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-Chroim},
  edition 	 = {1},
  note 	 = {xii + 515 pp.},
  publisher 	 = {Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer — Hodges \& Smith},
  address 	 = { London \& Dublin; Facsimile repr. Cork: Miros Press, 1975},
  publisher 	 = {},
  date 	 = {1867}
}

 E600000.bib

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The present text represents primary source material from pages 5–501 of the printed volume edited by Daniel McCarthy (Glas). The following documents pertain only to Florence MacCarthy and his extended family during his lifetime. Commentary by Daniel McCarthy (Glas) essential to understanding the immediate context of documents is retained in the footnotes. Page-breaks are retained in the xml for consultation purposes. Documents specifically related to the Battle of the Yellow Ford are intended for another online CELT file.

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Creation: Correspondence, official reports and manuscript extracts, compiled by various authors in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. 1576–1637

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  • The text is in English. (en)
  • Some phrases and cited text is in Latin. (la)
  • Some Irish terms are in anglicised spelling. (ga)
  • One phrase is in French. (fr)
  • One phrase is in in Spanish. (es)

Keywords: histor; political; relation; contemporary affairs; prose; 16c; 17c

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  1. 2019-06-05: Changes made to div0 type. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  2. 2014-02-25: Typos corrected; new word count made. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  3. 2013-06-20: Prefatory material amended. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
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  8. 2013-05-22: Minor corrections made to text content; further structural and content markup added. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  9. 2013-05-20: Extraneous documents identified in main text and date range of remaining document titles verified. (ed. Hiram Morgan)
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  14. 2013-04-30: Chronological list of documents compiled for pages 412–501. (ed. Eduardo de Mesa Gallego)
  15. 2013-04-29: Pages 5–411 collated in calendar format; pages 407–501 proofed (2); content markup added. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
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  21. 2013-04-04: First proofing of pages 412–435; bibliography amended; further structural and content markup added. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
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  23. 2013-03-19: First proofing of pages 402–411; proof corrections made to pages 5–411; input of further data, structural and content markup. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  24. 2013-03-08: First proofing, structural and content markup of pages 373–401. Bibliography updated. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  25. 2013-02-28: File re-parsed. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
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  27. 2013-01-28: File re-parsed, validated; preliminary SGML and HTML files created. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  28. 2013-01-28: First proofing and additional markup of pages 179–363. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
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  30. 2013-01-08: First proofing and additional markup of pages 51–178. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  31. 2012-12-28: First proofing and additional markup of pages 5–50. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  32. 2012-12-27: Structural mark-up inserted for pages 5-178. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  33. 2012-12-14: Initial proofing started and page-breaks added. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  34. 2012-12-08: Header created and bibliographical details compiled. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  35. 2012-12-07: Archival and library research for bibliography. (ed. Benjamin Hazard)
  36. 2012-12-06: Text scanned. (Data capture Benjamin Hazard)

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  1. Aidan Breen, 'MacCarthy Reagh, Florence [Finian Mac Cárthaigh Riabhach, 1562–c.1640],' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 35, pp 117-19; Terry Clavin, 'MacCarthy Reagh, Florence (Finian, Finghín),' Dictionary of Irish Biography, vol. 5, pp 826-8. For his father's obit in the Annals of the Four Masters: 'MacCarthy Reagh (Donogh, son of Donell, son of Finin) died. A cause of lamentation to the chiefs, of sadness to the husbandmen, and of sorrow to the farmers of his own territory; a man who outshone his seniors, and who was not excelled by his juniors. He was interred in the burialplace of his father and grandfather at Timoleague, and his brother Owen MacCarthy was inaugurated as his successor.' Daniel McCarthy Glas, The Life and Letters, pp 10, 144. 🢀

  2. On the Court of Wards, see Hugh Kearney, 'The Court of Wards and Liveries in Ireland, 1622–1641', Proc. RIA, 57C (1955–6) 29–68. 🢀

  3. Daniel McCarthy Glas, The Life and Letters, p. 140. 🢀

  4. John Dorney 'Florence MacCarthy and the conquest of Gaelic Munster, 1560-1640', p. 21. 🢀

  5. John Maclean (ed.), Letters from Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew (London 1864), pp 45-50. 🢀

  6. Breen, 'MacCarthy Reagh, Florence,' pp 117-19. 🢀

  7. Enrique García Hernán, 'Matériel para la Battala de Kinsale,' pp 83, 89. 🢀

  8. Clavin, 'MacCarthy Reagh, Florence,' 826-8. 🢀

  9. His brother Sir John Fitzgerald had also been imprisoned in the Tower; John McGurk, 'Irish prisoners in the Tower of London,' pp 238, 241. 🢀

  10. Neil Buttimer, 'An Irish inscription in the Tower of London,' pp 211-216. 🢀

  11. Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 206. 🢀

  12. John A. Murphy, Introduction to the Clancarthy Survey, p. 2 (Online at ucc.ie/celt/published/E580000-001). 🢀

  13. Hiram Morgan, 'Calendars in conflict : dating the battle of Kinsale,' History Ireland, 10/2 (2002), pp 16-20. 🢀

  14. Standish Hayes O'Grady & Robin Flower (eds.), Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the British Library [formerly British Museum] (2 vols, repr. Dublin 1992) vol. 1, pp 17-20; 61-2. For the letter to Thomond, see http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/E600001-030.html 🢀

  15. Florence MacCarthy's father-in-law wrote poetry. In Transactions of the Iberno-Celtic Society (Dublin 1820), p. cxxxviii, Edward O'Reilly stated in his list of writers that 'Donald MacCarthy', first Earl of Clan-Carthy from 1565, was author of some poems, two only of which have reached us— [1.] A small poem of sixteen verses beginning, 'Aisling-thruagh do mhear meisi,' 'A sorrowful vision has deceived me;' [2.] A poem of forty-four verses, beginning 'Uch an uch! a Mhuire bu de.' 'Alas, Alas! O benign Mary,' a pious address to the Blessed Virgin. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp 10, 144. 🢀

  16. John McGurk, 'Irish prisoners in the Tower of London,' pp 241-4; Jerrold Casway, 'The decline and fate of Dónal Ballagh O'Cahan and his family,' pp 44-62. 🢀

  17. Gordon Batho, 'The education of a Stuart nobleman,' pp 131-43. 🢀

  18. Caesar Litton Falkiner, 'His Majesty's Castle of Dublin,' in idem (ed.), Illustrations of Irish history and topography, mainly of the seventeenth century (London 1904), at pages 32 & 36. 🢀

  19. John McGurk, 'Irish prisoners in the Tower of London,' p. 241. 🢀

  20. Robert O'Connell & Richard O'Ferrall, Commentarius Rinuccinianus de Sedis apostolicae legatione ad Foederatos Hiberniae catholicos per annos 1645-1649 ed. Stanislaus Kavanagh et al. (6 vols, Dublin 1932-49), vol. 1, pp 191, 472. 🢀

  21. This source is from Lambeth Ms., Vol. 613, page 61. On the 1st of the following June an inquisition was held at Cork, in the presence of Sir William Drury and others, from which we learn the extent of the private possessions of Sir Donogh MacCarthy, and the fact that Florence was at the time but fifteen years of age. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 11. This document was also published in the Journal of the Kilkenny and South-east of Ireland Archaeological Society, volume 2 (1859) pp. 156-57. 🢀

  22. Sir William Drury (1527-79) was made lord president of Munster on 20 June 1576. He held court sessions through much of Munster. Following the departure of Sir Henry Sidney, Drury became lord justice to the Irish council on 27 April 1578. The Desmond rebellion broke out just before Drury's death a year later. Source: Terry Clavin, 'Drury, Sir William,' in James McGuire and James Quinn (eds.), Dictionary of Irish Biography (Cambridge University Press 2009); Sean Kelsey, 'Drury, Sir William,' in Brian Harrison et al. (eds.), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press 2004). According to Daniel McCarthy (Glas), Florence was twelve years of age at the time of the raids described here. 🢀

  23. Charles Smith explains the origin of this nickname fixed upon Donal, and borne by him through life [The antient and present state of the county of Cork (2 vols, Dublin 1774).] 'This Donal ni-Pipy was so called, because in his time some pipes of wine were cast on shore at Burrin; and consequently were his right, being a wreck, and accordingly he had them, which in those superstitious times was reckoned very fortunate, the wreck being esteemed (as the Cornish men's phrase is) God's goods.' That this designation was in some way connected with pipes of wine thrown on shore as wreck, would seem very probable; but the above presentation of the Cork jurors proves that Smith's account is not absolutely accurate; for there we see Donal bearing the name during the chieftainship of his uncle, Sir Donogh, who, and not he, would have had right to these pipes of wine if thrown on shore as wreck. Donal may perhaps have been the first to discover them, and for this reason have received the designation, or they may have been cast ashore on such lands as were assigned to him by his uncle, but not on that account his property. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 5. 🢀

  24. 'The earl wrote [...] to Ormond, then lieutenant-general of her Majesty's forces, to explain his helpless condition, and to request that troops might be sent into his country to expel his unfortunate brother-in-law, and to rescue from final ruin the followers whom his own misrule had brought to extremity. The last throes of the death-struggle of the earl of Desmond, the Ingens rebellibus Exemplar, are best described in the words of the stern man whose perseverance at last hunted him, and a single faithful follower, to the cabin beside the Maing, where the sword of a wretched kerne spilled the blood of this great Geraldine.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 15. 🢀

  25. 'So utterly hopeless had become, at last, the condition of the unfortunate Desmond, that a man of greater courage, of higher principles than Donal Earl of Clancar, might have thought it time to take steps to sever himself from his falling relative, and abandon him to his evil fortunes. With this object, and, doubtless, under the guidance of a head shrewder than his own, he wrote in plaintive wise a letter to the Queen, which is not without dignity and pathos.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 14. 🢀

  26. 'Within a fortnight from the date of this letter the great rebellion which had wasted Munster for eight years, was concluded; its chief had fallen; and Ormond, as if the simple tidings would be too good to be credible in England, discovered a means of removing all doubt from the mind of the Queen.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 15. 🢀

  27. The Tower earl of Desmond: With the extensive palatinate of the Geraldines in the possession of Fitz Thomas, Desmond occupied by Donal and his Connaught bonies, and the city of Cork with a circuit of little more than a mile, nearly the sole possession left to Her Majesty in Munster, Sir Robert Cecil was persuaded to take from captivity a prisoner and to send him to Munster that he might withdraw the most powerful of the Irish septs from rebellion and rescue the greater portion of the province from the insurgents in whose hands it then was. 🢀

  28. 'At the time of the surrender of his lands to Queen Elizabeth, and resuming them by Letters Patent, the Earl of Clancar had no brothers to dispute the succession. An only son stood in the way of extinction of the elder branch of the MacCarthys, and the Earl may have thought that this surrender, and the acceptance of an English Earldom in lieu of his hereditary title, was a lighter punishment for a life of disloyalty, than he might have expected: the letter written by him, towards the close of the Desmond rebellion, has shown us that his son was then living in Dublin Castle, a pledge for the good behaviour of the father. All that we know further of the brief career of this youth is contained in the following despatches.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 22. This letter also appears at p. 488. 🢀

  29. The Annals of the Four Masters, sub anno, state that at this precise period the earl, Florence, and his uncle and cousins were summoned to the parliament held at Dublin by Sir John Perrott in 1585. Annals of the Four Masters, An. 1585. Translation by Dr. O'Donovan. 'To this parliament repaired some of the chiefs of the descendants of Eoghan More, with their dependents, namely MacCarthy More.' His name occurs in the list after 'The Earle of Tomond' as 'The Earle of Clancare,' that is an Anglicised abbreviation of 'Clann Carthia,' and not Glencare, the vale of the river Carthach in County Kerry—Dr. O'Donovan. (Donell, the son of Donell, son of Cormac Ladrach), MacCarthy Cairbreach (Owen, son of Donnell, son of Fineen, son of Donnell, son of Dermot-an-Duna), and the sons of his two brothers, namely, Donnell, son of Cormac-na-h'aine, and Fineen (Florence), the son of Donogh.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 23. 🢀

  30. 'Royal letters were sent to Ireland, ordering inquiry to be made into the justice of these rival suits. An inquiry was made, not indeed into the grounds of the dispute between Teig O'Norsie and the pauper Finin M'Cormack, but simply for the record of the sentence passed upon the murderer ten years before, and its bearing upon the succession to the lands of Gleanachrime. Record of the transaction was readily found, and it was conclusive.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 112. 🢀

  31. Thus is the demise of Sir Owen MacCarthy chronicled by the Four Masters:— 'Mac Carthy Reagh (Owen son of Donell, son of Finin), Lord of Carbry died. He was a sensible, pious, and truly hospitable, and noble-minded man. Donell, the son of Cormac-na-Hoine, took his place.' We have extant a letter written by this Irish Chieftain to Lord Burghley; this letter has a postscript, and both are now presented to the reader. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 99. 🢀

  32. The abbreviation here is the monogram Chi-Rho, marked in the manuscript with the letters XP. 🢀

  33. Eight days after this examination, Florence wrote his first letter from the Tower. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 69. 🢀

  34. “By the terms of the Earl's surrender, his lands must at his demise, failing male issue, lapse to the Queen. He had indeed a daughter, and it was presumable that on her marriage, with the Queen's approbation, she would receive the same grant that had been made to him and his son at the time of his creation.” Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 29. 🢀

  35. The above document is apparently (says Mr. Hamilton, in his Calendar) by Sir Warham St. Leger, and addressed to Lord Burghley. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 36. 🢀

  36. '—called, by a pleasantry of Nicholas Browne, Sir William hard-beard.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 51. 🢀

  37. 'Some portion of this prompt policy was adopted. The advice was given in a letter dated the 7th of December; on the 19th of the same month came the order to despatch Florence to England. The postscript to the following letter will show how keen had recently become the official scrutiny into Florence's conduct in matters of more moment than his marriage.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 56. 🢀

  38. 'On the 10th of February, 1589, in the company of Chichester, and with the curious attendance of his fencing-master,—a certain Patrick Cullen, whom, at his last being in England, he had induced to enter his service, and whom now his evil fortune took back to London, to finish a strange career upon the gallows,—Florence arrived safely in London, and was at once given over into the custody of Sir Owen Hopton, Lieutenant of Her Majesty's Tower of London. The domestic arrangements of that establishment required certain quarterly returns to be made to the Privy Council of the expenses incurred for its inmates. From these returns, not all of which have perished, we are enabled to learn more of Florence than was known beyond those walls for a considerable period. For a long series of years those Tower bills had been headed by the name of James FitzGerald, the child of the great rebel.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 57. 🢀

  39. A similar bill was sent in for the time intervening between 24th of June, 1589, and 24th of December then next following, with this difference, that two keepers, instead of one, are charged for; and for fewel and candel, 8shillings instead of 4shillings were allowed weekly. Attached to one of these bills is this brief notice:— 'Florence MacCarty, Esquire, prisoner 8 months; the cause best known to your Honours.—Referred to her Majesty.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 57. 🢀

  40. About the same time Browne wrote to Sir E. Denny 'concerning Finin Mc Carty, if occasion be ministred, preach at least how daungerous a subiect he may prove. Sir I am famalier with you like a neighbour, and bold as a frend, wherefore, I pray, think of Tom Spring [Tom was another undertaker, and a relation of Browne's] and me sometimes even in the Privy Chamber.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 53. 🢀

  41. 'To whom the above letter was written appears not; from its tone, it is evident that the writer desired to produce amongst his friends in Ireland the impression that his restraint would not be of long duration, and that a few books would suffice to keep his mind tranquil until he should have occasion for the 'blak silk stoquenes' to complete the adornment of his person for attendance at the court. The autograph of Florence, which has been preserved, would seem to have been rather a rough draught than the letter actually sent into Ireland; for it is written, not upon a sheet, or half sheet of the paper he commonly used, but upon some stray scrap; it bears no superscription, and on the back of it is written a rough draught also of matter foreign to the subject of the letter, namely, a list of the sureties ready to be bound for his remaining true prisoner. The letter and the list force upon us the conviction that, by some member of the august tribunal that had judged him, Florence had been led to believe that his imprisonment would not be of long duration, and that the formal security of a few of his own friends would suffice to restore him to freedom.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 69. 🢀

  42. The signature of Sir Owen Hopton, on a separate slip of paper, is affixed to the foot of this letter, showing that Florence was still in the Tower. He had been prisoner there fifteen months. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 76. 🢀

  43. 'The next venture of Florence was to petition the Queen that his property might be protected as long it was her royal pleasure to disallow his return to Ireland. The following order, extracted from the Registers of the Privy Council, will show the progress he was making in the royal favour.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 76. 🢀

  44. Early in November 1593, Florence Mac Carthy landed in Ireland; on the 9th of the same month was the following extraordinary letter signed by the hand of Her Majesty, presented by him, together with another by Lord Burghley, to the Lord Deputy. For this inrolment the author [Daniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-Chroim] is indebted to the kindness of Herbert F. Hore, Esq., whose competency, and readiness, to assist any effort to elucidate the history of Ireland are well known. In Her Majesty's 'State Papers Office' is preserved the original letter to the Lord Deputy, the one, probably, which Florence took with him to Ireland. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 89. 🢀

  45. Daniel McCarthy (Glas) included this document because the government linked Annyas to a plot to kill Elizabeth I. See Lord Barry's articles against Florence MacCarthy and his answers to them (both June 1594); and An Abstract [...] concerning the actions and proceedings of Florence MacCarthy (March 1617). 🢀

  46. This letter was, according to the usage of the Tower, placed open in the hands of the Lieutenant. It will have been noticed that a portion of the scheme therein developed, involved the projector's 'breaking out from his prison, and going away unknown to his keeper very easily!' This part of his plan was not lost upon the professional mind of Mr. Lieutenant; and, accordingly, we find that, pending the ministerial meditation on the design of Annyas, that functionary thought it not amiss to take certain precautions for the safety of his charge, plainly indicated by the outlay as occurring in his next quarterly bills, of 'A payre of manacles, and for mending the shackles ij shillings vj d. Item for ij staples, iiij hinges, and bowlt for a prison dore ij shillings.' For a quarter of a year longer Annyas was still an 'Irishman to be proceeded with by justice.' At the end of the year 1599 he and the whole Tower family were handed over by Sir Michael Blount to the care of Sir Drew Drury; and successively to Sir Richard Barclay and Sir John Peyton. And then took place a surprising change in the fortunes of Annyas. The note against his name, as one condemned, disappeared; and we next perceive the remarkable charge of 'Five pounds for apparel, and other necessaries for him.' So munificent an outlay diminishes our surprise that at our next meeting with him he is no longer 'John Annyas an Irishman,' but 'Mr. Annyas, a gentleman travelling from Cork to the Court of London for purposes of his own.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 301. 🢀

  47. Of all the charges which the malignity of Barry had collected against his adversary, the sixth was by far the most dangerous. Respecting this Cullen, Camden writes:—The next day was also Patrick Cullen condemned, an Irish Fencing Master, who had been laden with great promises by the fugitives in the Low Countries, and some time since sent privily over, with money to bear his charges, on purpose to kill the Queen. Who as good as confessing his crime, and the same being also proved against him by sufficient evidence, he was taken and executed, when he was otherways ready to die of a languishing sickness. 🢀

  48. Part of the Tower of London, so called. 🢀

  49. Daniel McCarthy (Glas) states: 'In this list occurs the name of Hurley; and the call for this return would seem to arise so naturally from the charges of Barry, that it is difficult not to entertain the supposition that the date suited to it would be that of this renewed attack upon Florence. [...] This document is undated, and therefore placed provisionally amongst other papers also undated; but it is conjectured to belong to the end of the reign of James I. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 108. 🢀

  50. In the printed catalogue of the manuscripts preserved at Lambeth, it is asserted that Tome 626, a thick folio of pedigrees, is 'in the handwriting of Lord Burghley;' this is erroneous; the writing is Sir George Carewe's; Entertaining no doubt himself whose was the handwriting of this volume, the author of these pages is able to present to his reader the more trustworthy opinion of a gentleman probably more familiar than anyone living with the writing of Carewe, and who has had numberless occasions of perusing also the writings of Lord Burghley. The authority in whom so much confidence is expressed is John Maclean, Esq., of the War Office, editor of 'The Life and Times of Sir Peter Carew,' and of the 'Letters from Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew.' It may be remarked that Mr. Maclean has appended to each of these volumes copious genealogical notes, evincing very great research, and written in a style singularly condensed and clear, which are admirable models of genealogical annotation, Mr. Maclean's opinion is sufficiently explicit and positive:— 'I remember,' he writes, 'having had some conversation with you respecting the handwriting attributed (by the 'Lambeth Calendar') to Lord Burghley; and I have no hesitation in stating now, as I did then, that it is that of Carew. The handwriting of the latter is very familiar to me. I know also that of the former, and I cannot be mistaken. Whilst there is some general resemblance between the writing of the two, in detail there is a considerable difference. I am glad to be able to establish this fact; for Carew was a higher genealogical authority than Burghley, especially as relating to Irish families. Volume 635 of the same collection I am equally well acquainted with; the pedigrees therein are also in the handwriting of Carew.' But scattered through the Irish State Papers there exists a multitude of genealogical scraps, written by Lord Burghley on the margins of letters, sufficient to prove that the Lord Treasurer, if not a lover of pedigrees for their own sake, was by no means insensible to the importance which might at any moment attach to them. The correspondents of the English Minister were constantly sending to him lists of 'the descentes of the meere Irish,' and 'pedigrees of the Lords and Gentlemen of the Irish nation.' In the year 1601, a certain Richard Ha[dsor?], a lawyer, wrote to Sir Robert Cecil:— '{} I drew a discourse which was presented by Captain fitz gerrald this last winter unto your honour importing the genealogie of all the greate howses, and gentleme of the meere Irish, comonly called the Wyld Irish, wherein there lynage and discent from the auncient Irish kings, and ther kyndred, and allyaunce one to another is sett forth.' This discourse has, unfortunately, been lest sight of; it can scarcely be that a volume of so much value should have been allowed to perish. Attention is invited to the fact that this work of Ha[dsor?] is not known to exist in any public library. If it be in any private collection, its owner would afford a gratification to very many of the descendants of these 'meere or Wyld Irish,' if he would make known at least its existence. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 128-129. 🢀

  51. With the last two letters before him, Burghley was well prepared for the reception of the formidable 'Report' which the allies: Barry, Browne, Donal-na-Pipi, Rogers and Worth, and the Lord Chief Justice of England had at last launched against the owner or heir of so many signories and lands which these men desired. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 135. 🢀

  52. Fenton possessed the keen eye of a detective, and had the credit of being a spy upon every Lord Deputy who came to Ireland; hence a saying that 'he was a moth in the garments of every Lord Deputy of his time:' his passing glance was relied upon by Lord Burghley as seldom erring, and his opinion as a safe guide mostly; he was now able correctly to report what his own eyes beheld. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 139. 🢀

  53. 'This official opinion was in the hands of the Lord Treasurer before the remonstrance of the poor English Gentlemen could be sent from Ireland; he had thus time to ponder well which of the two evils were the weightier, to grieve and discontent the whole race of the MacCarthys and their allies, or the Bishop of Ardfert and the five Undertakers whose respectable signatures adorn as remarkable a document as is to be found amongst Her Majesty's State Papers.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 151. 🢀

  54. Following Kenan's letter of 12 February 1597, the next two documents are given the same date by Daniel McCarthy Glas and in the printed State Papers for 1596-97. Checking the original sources reveals that the actual manuscripts are undated. The reference to 500 of O'Neill's troops maintained by Browne suggests that Florence MacCarthy's petition belonged to 1599 rather than 1597. 🢀

  55. An anonymous writer, sympathetic to the cause of Elizabeth I, provided this account of the conduct of the Vice-President towards Donal, 'and all who, like him, lived after a law of their own.' Daniel McCarthy Glas argued that the following document was written shortly after the death of Sir Thomas Norreys. This occured at Mallow on 20 August 1599 after a foray with the Burkes near Kilmallock, Co. Limerick. Yet, McCarthy Glas also assigns it to the end of 1598, stating that this commentary 'furnishes a true type of the loose swords, such as Donal had so long commanded, and a description of the treatment such men met with when captured; it expresses also, in as open language as the writer dared to make use of, his opinion of the little resistance Donal and men like him met with from the authorities of his province.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 148. 🢀

  56. Florence took his departure, not directly to England, but in the first instance to Dublin, that he might procure additional letters from Ormond, then Lord General of Her Majesty's Forces in Ireland. His application was made at a moment when the presence of every man on whom the authorities thought they could place reliance was a matter of urgent importance, and Ormond consented to his departure with evident reluctance; this brief letter which the impatient old man wrote to Sir Robert Cecil is characteristic. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 161. 🢀

  57. By Darby Mc Owen Mc Carthy, Norreys means Dermot MacCarthy of Alla. 🢀

  58. In ordinary times Bonnaghts, or Bonies, were retained in the pay of the native chiefs, partly for their own protection, and partly for the performance of such military service as they owed to the Sovereign, in proportion to the magnitude of their respective countries. 'Bonnaght is of two sorts, Bonnaght Bonny, and Bonnaght Beg; Bonnaght bonny being, or at least I take it, is a certain payment or allowance made unto Her Majesty's Galloglas or Kerne, of the Irishry only, who are severally bound to yield a yearly proportion both of money and victuals for their finding, every one according to their ability, so that the Kerne and galloglass are kept all the year by the Irishry, and divided at times amongst them. Bonnaght beg, or little Bonnaght, is a proportion of money rateably charged upon every ploughland towards the finding of the Galloglas. Sorren is also a kind of allowance over, and besides the Bonnaght, which the Galloglas expect upon the poor people by way of spending-money, viz., 2shillings 8d. for a day and night; to be divided between 3 spears, for their meat, drink, and lodgings. And as this Bonnaght is found by the Lords for the King's service, so also every particular lord hath a certain number for their own defence; some more, some less, and are maintained upon their tenants. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 220. 🢀

  59. There is preserved at Lambeth, amongst the Carew Mss. vol. 625: 'A general survey of all such lands as are conteyned within the country of Desmond, as well of such as were the Earl of Clan-Carty's own demesne land, as of all lands belonging to the Lords, and others, the freeholders of the said country; with what duties, rents, and chiefries are customeably to be paid to the said Earl out of the same; taken upon the report of the seargeantes, and officers of the said country.' This interesting survey was made by order of the Lords at Dublin, to enable Her Majesty to understand the extent and nature of the inheritance which had fallen to her in consequence of the failure of heirs male to the Earl of Clancar. It specifies the exact lands bequeathed by the Earl—who never clearly understood Her Majesty's rights of succession to his country—to his base brother and son; and also those mortgaged to Florence, Browne, Denny, and others; all his fisheries, and revenues arising from payments in kind and money, from each of his Lords and freeholders, whose territories are exactly defined, and of which maps or plots were made at the time, and are still preserved. This valuable survey is far too voluminous to be laid before the reader in these pages; the rights and chiefries, which are very numerous, and were in themselves valuable as constituting the greater portion of the Earl's revenue, are most curious as remains of a civilization dating before the period of acknowledged history. The boundaries of this territory, and a few of the Earl's military chiefries are presented to the reader, for the purpose of showing to what inheritance, through the grace of Her Majesty, and the election of his Sept, Florence had succeeded. 'Desmond is a parcel of the countrie of Kerry, and is divided into three baronies and a-half, viz., Magonny, Juragha, Dunkerran, and the half barony of Glanaroghte. In the north side it is bounded by the river Mang, which doeth divide Desmond from the rest of Kerry. The south part doeth bound from certain mountains of Bear and Bantry, beginning from Kilmallockoshista, and continuing to O'Leary and O'Donovan's lands in the Co. of Corke, in the mountain of Sleughlogher; and are divided by the head of the river of the Blackwater; the rest of Desmond is bounded by the main ocean sea.' Then follow the names of the castles and demesne lands attached to each of them. The chief of these castles were the Palace, Bally Carbry, and the Castle Logh. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 221-222. 🢀

  60. It is important to explain the variance between the dates of Elizabethan state papers and the events they record. This inconsistency resulted from the different ways in which the historical and civil or legal year was calculated. Whereas the historical year began on 1 January, the civil or legal calendar started on 25 March. Thus, all correspondence written between 1 January and 25 March continued to show the date of the previous year. For instance, whereas Florence MacCarthy was not taken prisoner in Cork until January 1589, Sir Owen Hopton, the Lieutenant of the Tower, made a charge for diet, &c. from 10 February 1588. In the above letter, Florence MacCarthy represents the entire period of his imprisonment as twelve years. It was in fact ten, two years of which he spent in the Tower of London. By dating it from 1588 instead of 1589 as Sir Owen Hopton had done, it becomes eleven. As he had been apprehended in January and was not released until April, he was advanced three months into a new year, that is the twelfth. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 186. 🢀

  61. By a manifest grace of fortune, the assault of the castle of Molahiff has been related for posterity in the language of Livy, by Philip O'Sullevan Beare:— 'As many English,' says that historian, 'as resided within the countries of those who had taken up arms against the Queen were despoiled of their property, and driven away. Some castles belonging to these men were taken by assault; they were little worthy of notice, with the exception of the Molathibian Fortress (Molathibh) which was defended by thirty royalist soldiers, placed there by Nicholas Browne. Three hundred foot, led by William Burke, Thomas FitzGerald, called Juvenis (i.e., Thomas Oge FitzGerald), and some horse of the MacCarthys, who dwelt on the river Mang, were sent to assail this stronghold.' Then follow all the fierce details of the assault. Tempests of shot swept over windows and battlements, so that no defenders could stand against them; but from loophole and cranny, cleft and chink, shot hailed back with more fatal effect upon the assailants. It is related that so wonderful was the aim of one of the soldiers (tam mire collineabat), that with his leaden bullets—plumbeis' glandibus—he killed or wounded sixteen of the assailants. From this deadly aim the attacking party shrunk; engines called sows were moved up against the building, under shelter of which the wall was breeched; but the assailants were met as they entered, and a furious fight raged amidst the ruins. The defenders turned to retreat, and their foe followed, but it was to meet death from flagstones and torn-up floors—pavimentum et tabula diruta—which were hurled down upon their heads; the survivors fell back to give place to the crashing ruin, they were pushed again forward by fresh multitudes, and then, with a fierce rush of overwhelming numbers, the defenders were overpowered, the castle taken, and its defenders slaughtered. Thirty lives of loyal soldiers, civilizing, well-to-do, jolly English, yeomen taken for a few loose kerns, a few savages left upon the trees along the track of the Queen's horsemen, by the shores of Logh Lene. Amidst the ruins of the fallen fortress of Molahiff arose a sudden and angry contest for the title of MacCarthy Mor; for 'Dermot, of the MacCarthys of Alla (the Darby of Sir William Norreys), a competitor for the chieftainship, deeming that there was no one living more worthy than himself of the pre-eminence and name of MacCarthy Mor, strove, with his hired Connaught men and his own friends, to secure that dignity. But Daniel the Bastard, encompassed by a multitude of his friends, and of followers whom he also had hired out of Connaught, disputed the prize with Dermot; asserting that the pre-eminence and name (partis! patris?) of his father belonged of right to him, and to no other. ' But a competitor more fatal to the ambition of Donal than the powerful chieftain of Dowalla, was awaiting but the removal of some final scruples from the mind of the English Minister, to enter upon the troubled scene of these Irish rivalries, and this last act of Donal quickened his arrival. In the midst of the deliberations of Sir Robert Cecil, relative to the policy of sending Florence back to Ireland, was placed in his hands a despatch from the Vice-President of Munster. It was fortunate for Florence that he was at hand to declare to the Minister that he was better pleased to remain in England, than to go on so perilous a service, under suspicions so hastily conceived, and so readily entertained. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 189-191. 🢀

  62. Note to the pedigree of the O'Mahonys at Lambeth, written by Sir George Carew, circa 1600/3: 'O'Mahon's country doeth follow the ancient Tanist law of Ireland; and unto whom Mac Carthy Reagh shall give a white rod, he is O'Mahon, or Lord of the Country; but the giving of the rod avails nothing except he be chosen by the followers, nor yet the election without the rod.' The MacCarthy Reagh was inaugurated with the same ceremonial with which he inaugurated the O'Mahon and other dependent chiefs. There was a grievance attached to this, and it did not escape the keen eyes of the Cork juries, who presented: 'That when any Lord or Gentleman of the Irishry within this county, is made Lord or Captain of his name or kindredtie, he taketh of every inhabitant, freeholder, and tenant under him, a cow to be paid for erecting a rod in that name.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 12. 🢀

  63. On 4 March, Sir Henry Power made up his despatches for the Privy Council, in which he detailed the progress of O'Neill, the spoiling of Barry's country, the encounter between St Leger and McGuire, and the repair of Florence to the camp of the rebels. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 233. 🢀

  64. Two days later than the letter of the bishop, were despatched further tidings from the government of Munster to Cecil. 'Tyrone hastneth homewards—they inform him—havinge before his departure, made Florence McCarthy governor of this our province, and given him the title of MacCarthy More, who is now also parted from Tirone.' Fenton also was ready with evidence of like kind. He wrote, on the information of the Provost-Marshal of Munster, 'the Lords of Carbry and Muskry have given their pledges to Tirone; and Florence McCarty hath thrown away his English patent, and is created McCarty More by Tirone, and is now with Tirone.' The Lords Justices though they had no intelligence to add to these details, could at least record their readiness to believe them. To the Privy Council they wrote 'touching the revoltinge of Florence McCarthy we, that haue known him longest, did never look for other fruits out of such a Spanish heart.' And finally, that the list of Florence's old enemies might not be incomplete, Mr. Justice Saxey, who with a tender regard for his personal safety had fled away to England on the first tidings of the march of O'Neill, passed on from Poole to the Minister, the information that was sent to him from Munster. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 235-6. 🢀

  65. Since the previous decade the government had linked Annyas, Sir William Stanley, Jacques de Franceschi, Patrick Cullen and James Archer to a plot to kill Elizabeth I. Cullen had accompanied Florence MacCarthy to London in 1589. Under interrogation Annyas subsequently implicated Cullen. See Barry's articles against MacCarthy and his answers to them (both June 1594); and An Abstract [...] concerning the actions and proceedings of MacCarthy (March 1617). 🢀

  66. The government had previously linked Annyas with associates of Florence MacCarthy in a plot to kill Elizabeth I. Annyas was later employed as an agent of Cecil. See Lord Barry's articles against Florence MacCarthy and his answers to them (both June 1594); and An Abstract [...] concerning the actions and proceedings of Florence MacCarthy (March 1617). 🢀

  67. The number of weaponed men in Florence's pay was uncertain but it was known that they were considerable and to venture another excursion into Carbery or to proceed against FitzThomas, and O'Neill's Bonies under Dermod O'Connor in the open country with the possibility of Florence's closing upon his rear was what the President did not venture; hence the embarrassment, impatience, and wavering of purpose betrayed in the following letters. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 262. 🢀

  68. boats 🢀

  69. The manuscript is torn here. Daniel McCarthy (Glas) suggests that the missing words may be: 'him, but that I was'. Source: MacCarthy Glas, The Life and Letters, p. 292. 🢀

  70. The manuscript is torn here. Daniel MacCarthy (Glas) suggests that the damaged script may read: 'him mightely angry'. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 292. 🢀

  71. The personal names written in cypher in the second and third paragraphs are identified in the notes below. 🢀

  72. Sir George Carew 🢀

  73. Carew 🢀

  74. Carew 🢀

  75. Carew 🢀

  76. Dermond O'Connoghor 🢀

  77. Archbishop of Cashel 🢀

  78. Sir George Carew 🢀

  79. In most of the following documents the spelling has been partially modernized by the gentleman employed to transcribe them. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 307. 🢀

  80. For the complete letter, see John Maclean (ed.), Letters from Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew (London 1864) pp 45-50. In the previous decade John Annyas, an Irishman, was linked to a plot to kill Elizabeth I. Under interrogation he implicated Patrick Cullen who had accompanied Florence MacCarthy to London in 1589. See also Carew to Cecil, Shandon Castle, 30 April 1600. 🢀

  81. Whalley was Provincial of the Jesuits in England 🢀

  82. 'Four hundred pounds was the price promised, and in the first instance paid by Carew for the capture of the earl of Desmond; the author of the Pacata Hibemia, who no doubt knew all the details of the transaction, informs us that £1,000 was eventually given to the White Knight for it. A gratuity of £600 is the measure of an immense acknowledgment of gratitude, when the frugality of Her Majesty is considered.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 324-325. 🢀

  83. The reader may remember that not many months before this last letter was written, Cecil had, in a moment of great indignation, urged upon Carew the hurried execution of John Annyas, and that the policy of the President had suspended that severe sentence; the same thing shortly occurred with regard to the captive earl of Desmond. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 335. 🢀

  84. Shortly after his return, Captain Bostock fell under the same suspicion which had for so many years pursued Florence himself, namely, of treasonable dealings with Jacques de Franceschi. This suspicion reached Carewe not from his own intelligencers, but in a despatch from the English Secretary who was better served by his spies in Munster than was the Lord President himself. On 29 June 1601, Cecil wrote to Carew. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 279. 🢀

  85. In the winter of 1589, Florence crossed the Irish Channel for the first time as a state prisoner in the custody of Chichester, on his way to the Tower of London. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 336. 🢀

  86. In due time, when the Queen's ship made her way from Limerick to Cork, and the wind served, and when FitzThomas had been tried for High Treason by Irish Law, and condemned,—the motive for which proceeding Carew lucidly explained, and Her Majesty perfectly understood and approved of,—the prisoners, the two potent Earls of their own making, were wafted across the Irish Channel, landed at Bristol, thence conveyed to London, and by order of the Privy Council made over by Sir Anthony Cooke to Sir John Peyton, the Lieutenant of the Tower. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 338. 🢀

  87. Similar to this was his spirited profile of two other Irishmen, relatives of Florence, his cousin, Cormac McDermod, Lord of Muskerry, and the Lord Roche, his uncle: 'The most cankered subjects that under-hand support the rebels, are the Lord Roche, and Cormock McDermod; Roche is a brain-sick foole! but the other is a subtile fox, under the habitt and pretexte of a subjecte, workinge more villainy against the state than he were able to do if he were in rebellion!' We know that with tract of time, and the incident change of language, phrases are oftentimes bent aside from the precise signification which they may have borne when originally used. In this sense the character given by the Four Masters to this nobleman would be in accord with the expressions of Carew. 'The Roche,' (say the annals) 'i.e. Maurice, Son of David, died in the month of June of this year (1600). He was a mild, and comely man, learned in the Latin, Irish, and English languages. His son, i.e. David, took his place.' 🢀

  88. In his translation of the satire entitled 'The Tribes of Ireland,' written by Angus O'Daly in 1617, fifteen years after Florence made his cast for freedom, John O'Donovan has written at page 24, 'The celebrated Florence MacCarthy wrote a letter to the English Government, when he was confined in the Tower, advising the bribery of the bards to bring over the gentry to the English interest; and there can be but little doubt that it was at his suggestion our author was employed to write this poem.' He boasts that 'he was the chiefest cause of cutting off the Earle of Desmond.' Dr. O'Donovan stated that Florence 'advised the Government to bribe the Bards to bring over the Irish Gentry to English interests; and that with this intention, he employed his hereditary chief bard of Munster, Angus O'Daly, to write a venemous satire against all his countrymen, promiscuously, throughout every province in Ireland!' Dr. O'Donovan adds, 'there can be little doubt that Florence caused the satire on the Tribes of Ireland to be written!' Daniel McCarthy, The Life and Letters, pp. 364-5, 368-9. 🢀

  89. Michaelmas; i.e. 29 September. 🢀

  90. These Tower bills continue till Lady Day, 1604, at which time both prisoners were removed, one to the gatehouse, and thence to the Fleet, and the other to the Marshalsea. 🢀

  91. The relator, Robert Atkinson, was a suitor at Hampton Court and kinsman of William Atkinson. In the view of Daniel McCarthy (Glas), Florence MacCarthy may have been among the 'Knights and gentlemen in the Tower, and that are their countrymen at liberty' referred to here. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), Life and Letters, p. 445. 🢀

  92. See Issues of the Exchequer: being payments made out of His Majesty's revenue during the reign of King James I (London 1836), at page 20. 🢀

  93. On her repair to England of Lady Ellen, Florence's wife, and towards the prison into which her loyalty had cast her husband, and which she affected a wish to share, she had brought the disgraceful letter of recommendation from Carew, which the reader has seen. As the price of Lady Ellen's loyal intelligence, she had received from Queen Elizabeth a pension of £100 per annum. She now made suit for portions of her late father's lands, and for some gratuity in her great distress. Her petition was received favourably. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 374. 🢀

  94. At the same time, when the above favour was shown to his wife, Florence was himself on the point of obtaining his freedom, not indeed to return to Ireland, but at least to live amongst his fellow-creatures; for Sir Thomas Vavasour Kt. Marshal of the Household, under whose charge he was, 'procured from the Privy Council, to further his liberty on good securities, to continue within ten or twelve miles of London, but Sir George Carewe (now in England) heard of this from Sir Richard Boyle, and got the Lord Chamberlain to charge Sir Thomas Vavasour to give it over.' The Knight Marshal sent in his bill of charges, and Florence continued his prisoner. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 374-5. 🢀

  95. 'The estate thus secured to Donal and his reputed son, and his heirs males was about five thousand acres.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 379. 🢀

  96. Donal retired to his domains at Castle Lough, secured to him (and his unlawful issue) at the intercession of Carew, by the King's grace (and his father's will), where for the rest of his days, he extended his hospitality yearly to the English tourists to his native lakes of Killarney. 'I know not whethe it be worth the while to mention such small matter s as these, to wit.'—CAMDEN. It is said that in the Lake Hotel which is built upon the ruins of Castle Lough at Killarney, there is preserved to this day a feather bed, sole souvenir of Donal, which is made of the plumes collected by order of that chieftain, in the pass of Barnaglitty. 'Blame me not for mentioning these things considering that the gravest historians have recorded such like matters more at large.'—CAMDEN. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 380-81. 🢀

  97. 'That Florence possessed in his Tower cell many rare volumes we have the clearest evidence. Carew asserts that he borrowed from him certain volumes when he was engaged in composing his tomes of Irish pedigrees, which are now preserved at Lambeth. Colgan makes mention of books—which Dr. O'Donovan recognizes by internal evidence as 'The Annals of Inisfallen'—in the possession of the Illustrious Florentius MacCarthy, Prisoner in the Tower; and Dr. O'Donovan traces to an old copy of 'the Book of Invasions;' to certain 'Munster Annals not now accessible;' and to a copy of 'the War of the Gaels with the Gauls,' as well as to the Annals of Innisfallen, many references in the writings of Florence.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 391. 🢀

  98. In the month of December, 1611, there was issued a docket 'to pay to Florence MacCarthy, now prisoner in the King's Bench, the som of £3 weekly, until His Majesty's further pleasure.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 398. 🢀

  99. Stating that the original was 'at Muchruss,' Daniel McCarthy acknowledged that he owed its transcription 'to the kindness of Eugene P. MacCarthy, Esq., an assiduous Irish scholar, a valued contributor to our historic literature, and a no less zealous antiquarian.' Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 412-13. 🢀

  100. marginal note—the original MS. is broken and defaced here in a few places. 🢀

  101. Marginal note—'the statement is here nearly illegible.' 🢀

  102. They are printed in the Pacata Hibernia. 🢀

  103. pensioner? 🢀

  104. As the years of Florence's captivity roll on, his petitions become fewer, the complication of his legal suits greater, and his success in them—probably owing to the opportunities which his liberty gave him of more frequent interviews with his legal advisers, and his friends about the Court—more marked. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 410. 🢀

  105. Sir Julius Caesar was according to Hiram Morgan, 'one of the leading legal figures in the period.' Source: Hiram Morgan (ed.), 'The Deputy's defence: Sir William Fitzwilliam's Apology on the outbreak of the Nine Years War,' Proc. RIA (Forthcoming). 🢀

  106. 'On the 4th of December, 1619, there was an Order in Council for the release of Florence MacCarthy from the Gatehouse. Five years more passed away, and although we have no evidence that Florence made any progress in the many suits which had now become the sole business of his life, he yet enjoyed his freedom—freedom within the limits of the metropolis, and as ample social enjoyments as his straitened means would allow, his constant complaint was of poverty, of utter destitution, caused by the plunder of his property during his many years of restraint. As long as he was an inmate of the King's prisons, he was allowed four pounds a week for his maintenance and clothing. This was the precise sum he paid for his enlargement, for as soon as the prison doors opened to him for his exit, his Majesty's purse closed. In 1624, Florence was again in his old quarters in the Gatehouse. The earl of Thomond, one of his sureties, had died. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, pp. 418-19. 🢀

  107. According to the twentieth-century historian, Brendan Jennings, this translation was among a number of fictitious letters produced from March to August 1629. Source: Brendan Jennings (ed.), Wadding Papers, 1614-1638 (Dublin: Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1953), 311-312. The original document is UCD-OFM, D.02, f. 69, preserved at the Archives of University College Dublin. See also Benjamin Hazard, Faith and patronage: the political career of Flaithrí Ó Maolchonaire, c.1560-1629. (Dublin, rev. ed. 2010), Chapter 4. 🢀

  108. In a letter from Father Bodloch, or Boethius McAgan, dated 26 May, 1630, from Louvain to Mr. Boethius Agan, merchant, Galway, it is stated that 'The Archbishop of Tuam died at Madrid on the 18th November. The King of Spaine wrote with his own hand news of his death to the Infanta. This Bishop, before his profession, was a great chronicler in the Irish tongue, and learned.' It was this prelate who but a few months before his death wrote the above letter to Timoleague. 🢀

  109. On an erratum slip, Daniel McCarthy Glas explained that Daniel, eldest surviving son of Florence McCarthy, “did for a small som of money, himself marry the daughter of Malcolm Hamilton, then lately deceased, who had succeeded Miler McGrath as archbishop of Cashel.” 🢀

  110. See Benjamin Hazard, Faith and patronage: the political career of Flaithrí Ó Maolchonaire, c.1560-1629. (Dublin, rev. ed. 2010), Chapter 4. 🢀

  111. This refers to David Kearney. 🢀

  112. Though undated, most probably 1630/1. 🢀

  113. For the next two documents, Daniel McCarthy Glas stated that he was 'indebted to a small volume entitled Lake Lore, by A.B.R., for knowledge of [their] existence: if any further trace of Florence may be hoped for, it is doubtless in the reports of the sittings of the Privy Council—numberless enormous manuscript folios without index.' 🢀

  114. We read in John Lingard, History of England to the accession of William and Mary (London 1819-30), 'the Earl of Northumberland, so fortunate as to have escaped the fate of his friends—the Mecsenas of the age—had converted that abode of misery into a temple of the muses; that Raleigh was inspired by the genius of the place, and there wrote his 'History of the World!' Probably inspired by the same genius, or led to seek consolation by the same philosophic direction of his thoughts, Florence beguiled some hours of his own confinement by the composition of his learned treatise upon the mythic history of his country. Source: Daniel McCarthy (Glas), The Life and Letters, p. 444. 🢀

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