1. Letter from President de Valera, June 28th, 1921:—

To: Sir James Craig,
The Earl of Midleton,
Sir Maurice E. Dockrell,
Sir Robert H. Woods,
Mr. Andrew Jameson.
June 28th, 1921.

The reply which I, as spokesman for the Irish Nation, shall make to Mr. Lloyd George will affect the lives and fortunes of the political minority in this island, no less than those of the majority.

Before sending that reply, therefore, I would like to confer with you and to learn from you at first hand the views of a certain section of our people of whom you are representative.

I am confident that you will not refuse this service to Ireland, and I shall await you at the Mansion House, Dublin, at 11 a.m. on Monday next in the hope that you will find it possible to attend.

Mise,
(Signed), EAMON DE VALERA.

2. The letter to Sir James Craig having been delayed in transmission, the President, on June 28th, sent the following telegram to him:—

To Sir James Craig, Craigavon, Co. Down

Can you come Dublin Monday next, 11 a.m.? On receipt of your reply will write you.

EAMON DE VALERA,

Mansion House, Dublin
(June 29th).

Sir James Craig telegraphed declining the invitation in the following terms:—

Impossible for me to arrange any meeting. I have already accepted the Prime Minister's invitation to London Conference, and, in order to obviate misunderstanding in Press between my namesake in the Southern Parliament and myself, I am publishing these telegrams.

JAMES CRAIG, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland. (June 29th).

4. On receipt of this reply President de Valera telegraphed as follows to Sir James Craig:—

Sir James Craig, City Hall, Belfast.
June 29th, 1921.

I greatly regret you cannot come to conference here on Monday. Mr. Lloyd George's proposal, because of its implications, impossible of acceptance in its present form. Irish political differences ought to be adjusted, and can, I believe, be adjusted on Irish soil. But it is obvious that in negotiating peace with Great Britain the Irish delegation ought not to be divided, but should act as a unit on some common principle.

EAMON DE VALERA.

1. Conferences were held on July 4th and July 8th, at the Mansion House, Dublin, between President de Valera, the Earl of Midleton, Sir Robert Woods, Sir Maurice Dockrell, and Mr. Andrew Jameson. At the conclusion of the Conference on July 8th, the following official statement was issued:—

President de Valera informed the Conference of the terms in which he proposed to reply to the British Prime Minister's invitation.

At its previous session the Conference had expressed the view that it would be impossible to conduct negotiations with any hope of achieving satisfactory results unless there was a cessation of bloodshed in Ireland.

A letter to Lord Midleton from Mr. Lloyd George was read concurring in this view, and indicating the willingness of the British Government to assent to a suspension of active operations on both sides.

It is expected that an announcement of a truce, to take effect from Monday next, will be made early to-morrow.

2. President de Valera at the same time sent the following reply to the British Prime Minister's proposal of June 24th for a Conference in London:—

Mansion House, Dublin,
July 8th, 1921.

The desire you express on the part of the British Government to end the centuries of conflict between the peoples of these two islands, and to establish relations of neighbourly harmony, is the genuine desire of the people of Ireland.

I have consulted with my colleagues and secured the views of the representatives of the minority of our Nation in regard to the invitation you have sent me.

In reply, I desire to say that I am ready to meet and discuss with you on what bases such a Conference as that proposed can reasonably hope to achieve the object desired.

I am, Sir, Faithfully yours,
EAMON DE VALERA.

1. On July 9th Mr. Lloyd George telegraphed as follows:—

E. de Valera,
Mansion House, Dublin.

I have received your letter of acceptance and shall be happy to see you and any colleagues whom you wish to bring with you at Downing Street any day this week. Please wire date of your arrival in London.

D. LLOYD GEORGE.

10 Lughnasa, 1921.

An tráth ba dhiadnaighe bhíomair i gcomhairle a chéile thugas mar thuairim uaim ná féadfadh Dáil Eireann is ná déanfadh muinntear na hEireann glacadh le tairsgint bhur Riaghaltais fé mar leagadh amach é i sgríbhinn úd an 20adh lae d'Iúl a chuiris fé mo dhéin. Tar éis comhairle a ghlacadh lem' chomhdhaltaibh agus dianmhachtnamh do dhéanamh ar an tairsgint deinim deimhin de'n tuairim sin anois.

An míniughadh tugtar 'san scríbhinn sáruigheann sé é féin, agus ní furas “brígh an Chonnartha” do dhéanamh amach. Chomh fada is mar chialluigheann sé go ngabhann a náisiúntacht féin le hEirinn is go bhfuil de cheart aici a réir féin do cheapadh glacaimíd leis, gan amhras. Acht ins na ceanglaibh agus na coingheallacaibh i dtaoibh nidhthe atá bunadh-sach is greannmhar linn go gcuirtear an bhrígh sin ar leath-taoibh, agus leigeann bhur Riaghaltas-sa ortha go bhfuil de chead aca cur isteach ar ár ngnóthaibh agus smacht do chur orainn i slighe nach féadaimíd a admháil.

Tá de cheart ag Eirinn a rogha slighe do ghabháil fa'n saoghal atá i ndán di, agus ceart é nach ceadtha dhúinn a scaoileadh ar cheal. Ceart é tá dá bhuan-chosaint tre ciantaibh de chruadhtan, tre iodhbairt nár sáruigheadh riamh, is tre ghéirleanmhain nár áirmhigheadh riamh, agus ní thabharfar suas é choidhche. Ní dual dúinne a chur ar neamhbhrígh ná a lagughadh. Mar a chéile, ní dleaghthach do'n Bhreatain Mhóir ná d'aon stát eile ná cumann stát bacadh le héifeacht an chirt sin ar mhaithe le n-a gcúramaibh áirithe féin.

Is é tuairim muinntire na hEireann go dtiocfaidh buanrath na tíre dá ríribh tre bheith i n-a haonar i gcúrsaibh polaitíochta, saor ó shnadbmaibh impireamhla do cheangalfadh iad i n-eachtraibh nach réidhteochadh le tréithibh an náisiúin agus a mhillfeadh na nidhthe is annsa leo, agus ná tabharfadh mar thoradh chughtha acht cogtha creachta is cúramaidhe móra, míoshástacht an phobail, achrann fóirleathan is míshéan. Ar nós beag-státa na hEorpa, ní miste leo go seasochadh a neamhspleadhchas ar bhunadhas cirt; bheadh dóchas aca, ó budh rud é ná bagrochaidís féin ar thír ná ar mhuinntir eile, go mbeidís féin saor ar an gcuma céadna ó ionnsuidhe eachtrannach. Sin é an tuairim a chuireadar i gcéill arís agus arís eile tre ghuth an phobail; agus is do réir mar druidtear uaidh sin, no ó aon chúrsa eile ba mhian leis an bpobal, a thuigfear cad é an méid fóiréigin iasachta agus lámh láidir a bheidh le cur i bhfeidhm i gcoinnibh na nidhthe is mian le furmhór ár ndaoine.

Maidir liom féin is lem' chomhdhaltaibh, is é ár dtuarim daingean gur tre dheighilt ghlan charthannach is túisce thiocfaidh an muinnteardhas le Sacsaibh atá curtha ar athló le ciantaibh de bharr fóiréigin airm. An eagla so go ndéanfaidhe ionad de thalamh na hEireann chum fogha do thabhairt fé shaoirse Shacsan—eagla gan bhun do réir a dtuairime—is féidir deimhniughadh oireamhnach da thabhairt i n-a thaoibh san nach beidh bun os cionn le staid saorstáit.

Gach duine a thuigeann cúrsaidhe an scéil is léir do nach bhfuil acht samhail bréige 'san abairt úd “ Staid Tighearnachta d'Eirinn.” An saoirse atá ag na Tighearnachtaibh so fé chomairce Bhreatan is lugha tá sé aca de bharr reacht is connradh 'ná de dheascaibh na móraistear idir iad féin is an Bhreatain Mhór; ni leigid na haistir seo dhi cur isteach ortha. Gach deimhniughadh dearbhtha is féidir a cheapadh; fiú an cead deighilte atá, mar admhuightear, ag na Tighearnachtaibh, níor mhór iad chun a shamhail de shaoirse do dheimhniughadh d'Eirinn. Ní léir dúinn aon deimhniughadh mar soin ná a rian féin i nbhur dtairsgint. I n-a ionad san, cuirtear an staid, mar atá, bun as cionn; an láthair mar a bhfuilimíd i gcomórtas leis an mBreatain Mhóir deintear leathscéal de chum ár gceart do dhiúltadh is do chumhangadh i slighe nach aithnid do Thighearnachtaibh: is éigin do'n oileán bheag dlúthchosaint is deimhniughadh eile do thabhairt do'n oileán mhór do réir deallraimh, agus glacadh le staid sealbhuidheachta fé dhearbh-smacht.

Is soiléir ná féadfaimís-na a thabhairt mar chomhairle dár muinntir glacadh le n-a leithéid de thairsgint. Badh thoil linn saor-cheangal áirithe le “ Cumann na Náisiún fé Chomairce Bhreatan,” amhail is dá mba Cumann de Náisiunaibh áirithe é, do mholadh; agus níor mhiste linn mar Riaghaltas, Connradh dhéanamh i n-a thaoibh, agus a chur mar chúram orainn féin, dá n-eirgheadh linn deimhniughadh d'fhagháil go mbeadh an beagán dár ndaoinibh nach tagann linn anois dílis dúinn dá gcuirimís a shamhail de cheangal ar ár náisiún uile, rud do cheapamair d'aon ghnó mar chomhartha báidhe leo súd.

Is toil linn connartha i dtaoibh bhur dtairsgean mar gheall ar shaor-thráchtáil is laigheadughadh arm ar gach taoibh do shocrughadh aon tráth. Gan amhras d'fhéadfaidhe socrugadh do dhéanamh eadrainn a rachadh i dtairbhe do choimhshlightibh i gcomhair tráchtála 'san aer, tre bhóithribh iarainn, is mar soin de. Is deimhin ná cuirfimíd-na aon bhac ar an gcaidreamh cneasta i gcúrsaibh ceannuidheachta is riachtanach do shaoghal an dá oileán, is gurab iad féin araon an ceannuidhe is fearr agus an margadh is fearr ag a chéile. Is éigin a thuigsint, ámh, nár mhór gach coimhcheangal is connradh aca súd do leagadh os comhair Riaghaltais an náisiúin i dtosach, chum go ndéanfaidhe a ndeimhniughadh, agus iar shoin os comhair muinntire na hEireann uile fé choingeallachaibh a léireochaidh gur breitheamhnas ar a dtoil féin an breitheamhnas agus ná raibh aon rian de smacht airm le tabhairt fé ndeara aca le n-a linn.

An bhaint atá ag Eirinn le “ cuid de fhiachaibh na Ríoghachta Aontuighthe fé láthair ” ní miste linn a shocrughadh san d'fhágaint fé bhord breitheamhan: Eire aimneochadh duine aca, an Bhreatain Mhór an dara duine, agus thoghfaidís eadartha an treas duine, na dá dteipeadh ortha dhéanfadh Uachtarán Stát Aontuighthe Ameirice, abair, é ainmniughadh dá mbudh thoil leis san.

I dtaoibh an nidhe atá i gceist i gcúrsaibh polaitíochta idir bheagán de mhuinntir na hEireann agus a bhfurmhór mór, caithfear réidhteacht na ceiste sin d'fhágaint fé mhuinntir na hEireann féin. Ní dual dúinn a admháil go bhfuil de cheart ag Riaghaltas Bhreatan ár n-oileán do chreim-ghearradh ar mhaithe leo féin no mar fhreagra ar chuireadh ó aon roinnt dár ndaoinibh. Níl ceaptha againne feidhm do bhaint as fóiréigean. Má dhruideann bhur Riaghaltas-sa ar leathtaoibh tiocfaidh linne cáirdeas do cheangal eadrainn uile. Táimíd ar aon aigne libh “ nach tre smacht a thagann coimhcheangal is cáirdeas.” Is eadh is truagh linn nach toil le nbhur Riaghaltas fós an chomhairle chiallmhar so leagann sibh amach dúinne i gcomhair socruighthe ár gceiste teóranta annso do chur i bhfeidhm i gcomhair socruighthe na ceiste bunadhsaighe atá ag síor-chur isteach ar mhuinteardhas an dá oileán so. I n-ár dtaoibh-na, an leigheas go seasuighmíd air thall glacfaimíd leis i bhfus. Agus muna féidir socrughadh do cheapadh le comhthoil gan mhoill is toil linn, fós, socrughadh na ceiste seo d'fhágaint fé bhreitheamhnas iasachta.

Dá réir sin is toil linn teacht libh i ngach nidh dá bhfuil oireamhnach cóir. Ní ar ár Riaghaltas-na acht ar bhur Riaghaltas-sa atá sé mar phríomh chúram síothcháin do sholáthairt le onóir. Níl aon choingheallacha againne le déanamh, aon éileamh againn le cur, acht an t-aon cheann .i. go mbeimís saor ó ionnsuidhe eachtrann. Cúitighimíd libh go dúthrachtach an dúil seo luaidhte agaibh i gcomhcháirdeas buan, agus is móide ár ndúthracht 'san dúil sin an ghéirleanmhain atá curtha dhíobh le ciantaibh ag ár muinntir. An sean-achrann so gur aithreachas libh é, ní raibh riamh mar bhun leis, mar is eol dúinn agus mar is léir ó sheanchus, acht an t-ionnsuidhe dhein lucht riaghalta Sacsan ar shaoirse Eireann. Is féidir deireadh a chur leis an ionnsuidhe sin láithreach má's toil le nbhur Riaghaltas é. Tá slighe na síothchána ar leathadh romhainn.

Mise, do chara gan cháim,
(Síghnithe) EAMON DE VALERA.

2. (Official Translation).

Office of The President. Dublin. Mansion House,
August 10th, 1921.

On the occasion of our last interview I gave it as my judgment that Dáil Eireann could not and that the Irish people would not accept the proposals of your Government as set forth in the draft of July 20th, which you had presented to me. Having consulted my colleagues, and with them given these proposals the most earnest consideration, I now confirm that judgment.

The outline given in the draft is self-contradictory, and “the principle of the pact” not easy to determine. To the extent that it implies a recognition of Ireland's separate nationhood and her right to self-determination, we appreciate and accept it. But in the stipulations and express conditions concerning the matters that are vital the principle is strangely set aside and a claim advanced by your Government to an interference in our affairs, and to a control which we cannot admit.

Ireland's right to choose for herself the path she shall take to realise her own destiny must be accepted as indefeasible. It is a right that has been maintained through centuries of oppression and at the cost of unparalleled sacrifice and untold suffering, and it will not be surrendered. We cannot propose to abrogate or impair it, nor can Britain or any other foreign state or group of states legitimately claim to interfere with its exercise in order to serve their own special interests.

The Irish people's belief is that the national destiny can best be realised in political detachment, free from Imperialistic entanglements which they feel will involve enterprises out of harmony with the national character, prove destructive of their ideals, and be fruitful only of ruinous wars, crushing burdens, social discontent, and general unrest and unhappiness. Like the small states of Europe, they are prepared to hazard their independence on the basis of moral right, confident that as they would threaten no nation or people they would in turn be free from aggression themselves. This is the policy they have declared for in plebiscite after plebiscite, and the degree to which any other line of policy deviates from it must be taken as a measure of the extent to which external pressure is operative and violence is being done to the wishes of the majority.

As for myself and my colleagues, it is our deep conviction that true friendship with England, which military coercion has frustrated for centuries, can be obtained most readily now through amicable but absolute separation. The fear, groundless though we believe it to be, that Irish territory may be used as the basis for an attack upon England's liberties, can be met by reasonable guarantees not inconsistent with Irish sovereignty.

“Dominion” status for Ireland everyone who understands the conditions knows to be illusory. The freedom which the British Dominions enjoy is not so much the result of legal enactments or of treaties as of the immense distances which separate them from Britain and have made interference by her impracticable. The most explicit guarantees, including the Dominions' acknowledged right to secede, would be necessary to secure for Ireland an equal degree of freedom. There is no suggestion, however, in the proposals made of any such guarantees. Instead, the natural position is reversed; our geographical situation with respect to Britain is made the basis of denials and restrictions unheard of in the case of the Dominions; the smaller island must give military safeguards and guarantees to the larger and suffer itself to be reduced to the position of a helpless dependency.

It should be obvious that we could not urge the acceptance of such proposals upon our people. A certain treaty of free association with the British Commonwealth group, as with a partial league of nations, we would have been ready to recommend, and as a Government to negotiate and take responsibility for, had we an assurance that the entry of the nation as a whole into such association would secure for it the allegiance of the present dissenting minority, to meet whose sentiment alone this step could be contemplated.

Treaties dealing with the proposals for free inter-trade and mutual limitation of armaments we are ready at any time to negotiate. Mutual agreement for facilitating air communications, as well as railway and other communications, can, we feel certain, also be effected. No obstacle of any kind will be placed by us in the way of that smooth commercial intercourse which is essential in the life of both islands, each the best customer and the best market of the other. It must, of course, be understood that all treaties and agreements would have to be submitted for ratification to the national legislature in the first instance, and subsequently to the Irish people as a whole under circumstances which would make it evident that their decision would be a free decision, and that every element of military compulsion was absent.

The question of Ireland's liability “for a share of the present debt of the United Kingdom” we are prepared to leave to be determined by a board of arbitrators, one appointed by Ireland, one by Great Britain, and a third to be chosen by agreement, or in default, to be nominated, say, by the President of the United States of America, if the President would consent.

As regards the question at issue between the political minority and the great majority of the Irish people, that must remain a question for the Irish people themselves to settle. We cannot admit the right of the British Government to mutilate our country, either in its own interest or at the call of any section of our population. We do not contemplate the use of force. If your Government stands aside, we can effect a complete reconciliation. We agree with you “ that no common action can be secured by force.” Our regret is that this wise and true principle which your Government prescribes to us for the settlement of our local problem it seems unwilling to apply consistently to the fundamental problem of the relations between our island and yours. The principle we rely on in the one case we are ready to apply in the other, but should this principle not yield an immediate settlement we are willing that this question too be submitted to external arbitration.

Thus we are ready to meet you in all that is reasonable and just. The responsibility for initiating and effecting an honourable peace rests primarily not with our Government, but with yours. We have no conditions to impose, no claims to advance but the one, that we be freed from aggression. We reciprocate with a sincerity to be measured only by the terrible sufferings our people have undergone the desire you express for mutual and lasting friendship. The sole cause of the “ancient feuds” which you deplore has been, as we know, and as history proves, the attacks of English rulers upon Irish liberties. These attacks can cease forthwith, if your Government has the will. The road to peace and understanding lies open.

I am, Sir, Faithfully yours,
(Signed) EAMON DE VALERA.

24 Lughnasa, 1921. Do Dháithí Uasal Leód Seóirse,
10, Sráid Downing,
i Lonndain.

An tuairim do bhí agam roimh ré agus me ag tabhairt freagra ort an 10adh lá de Lughnasa tá deimhniughadh déanta air anois. Leagas tairsgint bhur Riaghaltais-sa os comhair Dála Eireann, agus dheineadar a dhiúltadh d'aon ghuth.

Ba léir ó nbhur litir an 13adh lá de Lughnasa gur mhian libh go n-admhuighmís nár mhór ceart na hEireann do bheith ar lár ar mhaithe le cúrsaibh cosanta Sacsan do réir mar shaoil sí féin, toisc a chomhgaraighe is bhí Eire do Shacsaibh; agus nár mhór d'Eirinn géilleadh do'n smacht iasachta anois toisc a fhaid agus a dhícheallaighe is do bhítheas a d'iarraidh Eire do chur fé'n smacht soin 'san am atá imighthe.

Ní féidir liom a chreideamhaint gur mheas bhur Riaghaltas feidhm do bhaint as neart airm gan scál a chuirfeadh ar neamhnidh macántacht na náisiún is a chuirfeadh críoch le síothcháin an domhain. Má théigheann ceart saoirse an náisiúin bhig ar cheal chomh luath is chuireann comhursa neartmhar dúil 'san tír i gcomhair airm no pé buntáiste eile bheadh le baint as, sin deireadh le saoirse. Ní fhéadfadh náisiún beag súil do beith aici le neamhspleadhchas iomshlán feasta. D'fhéadfaidhe Tír fo Thuinn is Danmharc do chur fé smacht na Gearmáine, Flondras fé smacht na Gearmáine no na Frainnce, an Portainéal fé smacht na Spáinne. Náisiúin dár ceangladh d'impireachtaibh le neart fóiréigin, má chaillid a neamhspleadhchas dá dheascaibh, níl aithbreith na saoirse i ndán dóibh feasta. Maidir le hEirinn má luadhtar go bhfuil sí ag scaradh le páirtidheacht nár ghlac sí riamh leis, no le dílse nár gheall sí riamh, níl ann acht bréag ó bhonn; mar a chéile, éagcóir ó bhonn bheith ag éileamh a neamhspleadhchas do chur fé chois ar mhaithe le cosaint Sacsan. Ní féidir linne .i. teachtaidhe an náisiúin, géilleadh do cheactar aca.

Ní thréigfimíd-na onóir ár dtíre ná an ceart a tugadh dúinn le cosaint; agus má dheineann Sacsa adhbhar cogaidh de sin, is truagh linn é. Is léir dúinn cad é ár gcúram ar son na mbeo, agus ní lugha ár dtuigsint 'san nidh is dual dúinn agus 'san chomaoin atá orainn ag ár marbh cródha Ní rabhamair ar lorg troda, is nílmíd ar lorg troda; acht má chuirtear an comhrac orainn caithfimíd sinn féin do chosaint agus déanfaimíd san. Agus ciaca eirgheochaidh linn no ná eirgheochaidh, beimíd deimhnighthe ná molfaidh aon dream fear ná ban de theachtaibh Eireann do'n náisiún an ceart is dual di do scaoileadh uaithe.

Is mór is mian linn deireadh do chur leis an achrann so idir Eirinn agus Sacsaibh. Má tá ceaptha ag bhur Riaghaltas-sa a toil d'imirt orainn le neart fóréigin agus coingeallacha do leagadh amach roimh ré a bhainfeadh dínn ár staid dúthchais is a dhéanfadh adhbhar magaidh de'n socrughadh so ar siubhal eadrainn, sibh-se bheidh ciontach le buaine an achrainn.

Do réir na gnáth-chomhairle úd gur toil an phobuil is bun le Riaghaltas is féidir síothcháin do dhéanamh feasta, agus síothcháin go mbeidh ceart is onóir ann do chách is go mbeidh p.13 cneastacht is buan-mhuinnteardhas mar thoradh air. Is toil le Dáil Eireann teachtaidhe do thoghadh chun a leithéid de shíothcháin do dhéanamh; agus lán-chomhacht do thabhairt dóibh chun a chur i bhfeidhm i nbhur dteannta-sa, má ghéilleann bhur Riaghaltas do'n ghnáth-chomhairle seo luaidhte.

Mise, do chara gan cháim,
(Síghnithe) EAMON DE VALERA.

2. (Official Translation).

The Right Hon. David Lloyd George,
10, Downing Street,
Whitehall, London.

Mansion House, Dublin,
August 24th, 1921.

The anticipatory judgment I gave in my reply of August 10th has been confirmed. I laid the proposals of your Government before Dáil Eireann, and, by an unanimous vote, it has rejected them.

From your letter of August 13th it was clear that the principle we were asked to accept was that the “geographical propinquity” of Ireland to Britain imposed the condition of the subordination of Ireland's right to Britain's strategic interests as she conceives them, and that the very length and persistence of the efforts made in the past to compel Ireland's acquiescence in a foreign domination imposed the condition of acceptance of that domination now.

We cannot believe that your Government intend to commit itself to a principle of sheer militarism destructive of international morality and fatal to the world's peace. If a small nation's right to independence is forfeit when a more powerful neighbour covets its territory for the military or other advantages it is supposed to confer, there is an end to liberty. No longer can any small nation claim a right to a separate sovereign existence. Holland and Denmark can be made subservient to Germany, Belgium to Germany or to France, Portugal to Spain. If nations that have been forcibly annexed to empires lose thereby their title to independence, there can be for them no rebirth to freedom. In Ireland's case, to speak of her seceding from a partnership she has not accepted, or from an allegiance which she has not undertaken to render, is fundamentally false, just as the claim to subordinate her independence to British strategy is fundamentally unjust. To neither can we, as the representatives of the Nation, lend countenance.

If our refusal to betray our nation's honour and the trust that has been reposed in us is to be made an issue of war by Great Britain, we deplore it. We are as conscious of our responsibilities to the living as we are mindful of principle or of our obligations to the heroic dead. We have not sought war, nor do we seek war, but if war be made upon us we must defend ourselves and shall do so, confident that whether our defence be successful or unsuccessful no body of representative Irishmen or Irishwomen will ever propose to the nation the surrender of its birthright.

We long to end the conflict between Britain and Ireland. If your Government be determined to impose its will upon us by force and, antecedent to negotiation, to insist upon conditions that involve a surrender of our whole national position and make negotiation a mockery, the responsibility for the continuance of the conflict rests upon you.

On the basis of the broad guiding principle of government by the consent of the governed, peace can be secured—a peace that will be just and honourable to all, and fruitful of concord and enduring amity. To negotiate such a peace, Dáil Eireann is ready to appoint its representatives, and, if your Government accepts the principle proposed, to invest them with plenary powers to meet and arrange with you for its application in detail.

I am, Sir, Faithfully yours,
(Signed) EAMON DE VALERA.

1. The following communication from the Ministry of Dáil Eireann was handed to Mr. Lloyd George at Gairloch at 6.30 p.m. on the 1st September, 1921, by Commandant Robert Barton,T.D., and Commandant Joseph McGrath, T.D.

Dáithí Uasal Leód Seóirse,
10, Sráid Downing,
i Lonndain.
30 Lughnasa, 1921.

Táimíd-na, leis, deimhnighthe “gur riachtanach nidh éigin do dhéanamh gan mhoill chun ionad d'fhagháil ó n-ar féidir réidhteacht ár scéil do chur chun cinn,” agus is léir dúinn gur beag toradh le baint as an argóint seo eadrainn tré nótaibh. Dá bhrigh sin ní bhacfad leis na nidhthibh neamhstaramhla do luadhais id' litir dheireannaigh.

An scéal mar atá sé eadrainn fé láthair an rud atá againn le socrughadh. Toradh an tsaoghail atá imthighthe atá i gcúrsaibh na haimsire seo; mínighid siad go cruinn beacht brígh agus fírinne an scéil. Agus seo é a bhrígh.

1. Ní admhuighid muintear na hEireann go bhfuil aon cheangal aca dá dtoil le Sacsaibh; deirid go bhfuil de cheart nádúrdha bunadhsach aca a slighe féin do cheapadh i gcomhair an tsaoghail atá rómpa; dheimhnigh a n-urmhór mór go dteastuigheann neamhspleadhchas uatha, chuireadar Saorstát ar bun, agus dheineadar deimhin dá rogha arís is arís eile.
2. Ar an dtaobh eile de'n scéal tá Sacsa ag cur di amhail is dá mbeadh Eire ceangailte dhi de bharr connartha nach ceadochadh dóibh deighilt. Tá eolas ag an saoghal ar chúrsaibh an chonnartha bréige sin acht leigid Sacsa agus Feis Sacsan ortha gur connradh  p.16 d'leaghthach é, agus dá bhrígh sin go bhfuil de chomhacht aca reachta do cheapadh is do chur i bhfeidhm i nEirinn; tír na hEireann do roinnt i n-aindeoin tola na nGaedheal; agus gach Gaedheal nach tugann dílse don eachtranach do mharbhadh no do chur i gcarcar.

An tairgsint a dhein bhur Riaghaltas-sa 'san litir úd an 20adh lá d'Iúl an dara coingeall so is bun léi. Dhiultaigheamair-na do'n tairgsint sin, agus ní féidir dul siar air. Ní cuireadh bhí ann do mhuintir na hEireann chun dul isteach go saor toilteannach i bpáirtidheacht le saornáisiúnaibh Impreachta Breatan. Is eadh bhí ann cuireadh d'Eirinn chun dul isteach fé scáth agus fé choingeallachaibh d'fhágfadh í i staid b'ísle 'ná staid na náisiún so. Canada, Astraoile, Deisceart Afraice is an Zealand Nuadh tá deimhniughadh aca uile ná beid fé smacht Stáit Mhóir, ní headh amháin go bhfuil san aca tré gach ceart riaghalta dá n-admhuightar is a chuireann iad ar chomhstaid le Sacsaibh agus i dtreó ná fuil aon smacht ag Feis ná ag Riaghaltas Shacsan ortha acht trí na míltibh míle slighe idir iad féin is Sacsain. Ní bheadh ceart ná mór-aistear mar chosaint ag Eirinn. Na coingeallacha bhí le déanamh, dhéanfaidís dá chuid di, agus gach ceann aca ag cur comhachta an chinn eile ar neamhnidh i n-aon Chomhairle mar a mbeidís araon, agus ceachtar aca fé smacht airm is loingis is tráchtála ag Riaghaltas Shacsan.

Na prímh-nidhthe bhaineann le n-ár stair is le n-ár suidhe ní gábhadh a bpléidhe; acht budh mhian le nbhur Riaghaltas-sa go nglacfaidhe le nbhur dtuairim féin i n-a dtaoibh. Caithfimíd-na ár dtuairim féin do bheith againn, leis. An stair a mholann aondacht do réir bhur mínighthe-sa, deighilt a chialluigheann sé dhúinne. Na tuairimidhe atá againn i dtaobh a “chomhgaraidhe” is táimíd dá chéile táid súd féin go mór i gcoinnibh a chéile. Táimíd-na deimhnighthe gur againn féin atá an tuairim cheart chóir; agus mar shuidheamh air sin is toil linn moltóir gan leagadh aige le héinne mar bhreitheamh eadrainn. Tugann sibhse an t-eiteach do san agus bagrann sibh go gcuirfidh sibh bhur dtuairim féin i bhfeidhm le neart fóiréigin. Ar bhfreagra-na air sin, má dheineann sibh gníomh dá réir ní bheidh le déanamh againne acht cur i nbhur gcoinnibh mar is dual sínsear dúinn.

Ní réidhteochaidh fóiréigin an scéal. Ni bhuaidhfidh sé choídhche ar a bhfuil ciallmhar ceart. Má chromann sibh ar fhóiréigin arís, agus muna dtéigheann an buaidh de thaoibh an chirt, an cheist seo ag déanamh buaidheartha dhúinn beidh sé mar chúram fós ortha so thiocfaidh i n-ár ndiaidh. Is leór de fhiadhnaise is de fhuagradh dhúinn go bhfuil teipthe ar fhóiréigin mar leigheas ar an gceist le seacht gcéad go leith bliadhan. Dá bhrigh sin, ní tuairim bhréige acht fíorghliocas agus tuigsint riaghluighthe atá dhom ghríosughadh féin is ag brostughadh mo chomhdhaltaidhe. Caithfear bagairt fhóiréigin do chur ar leath-taobh. Caithfear a chur ar leath-taobh ó thosach agus le linn réidhteachta. Caithfidh ár dteachtaidhe araon teacht le chéile gan aon bhac ortha acht na nidhthe bheidh le socrughadh; agus ní le bagairt fóiréigin; árd no íseal, acht fé riaghail treortha go mbeithfear ar aon aigne i n-a thaoibh, d'héanfaid siad pé easaontas a bheidh eadartha do leigheas feasta. Mholamair-na mar bhunchomhairle riaghaltas le cead an phobail, agus ní mar abairt a mholamair é. Tá ceist simplidhe ann, agus pé socrughadh dhéanfar eadrainn caithfidh sé bheith ar aon leagan leis no ní bheidh buan, agus is féidir feidhm do bhaint as mar thomhas i gcomhair na mionrudaidhe is na réidhteachta uile. Toisc go n-abrann tusa gur le Sacsaibh ó dúthchas an bhun-chomhairle sin agus gurab é “Beatha na náisiún fé chomairce Bhreatan anois é” ní fuláir nó gur furas duit glacadh leis. As an mbonn sin, agus as an mbonn san ar leithligh, tá dóchas againn gur féidir réidhteacht do dheunamh idir “na nidhthibh a bheidh mar chomhacht treortha” ag teachtaibh Shacsan agus na nidhthibh a bheidh mar chomhacht treortha ag teachtaibh Eireann; agus ar na coingheallachaibh sin is toil linn feasta feadhmannaigh do cheapadh.

Mise, do chara gan cháim,
(Sighnithe) EAMON DE VALERA.

2. (Official Translation).

The Right Hon. D. Lloyd George,
10, Downing Street,
Whitehall, London.

Mansion House, Dublin,
August 30th, 1921.

We, too, are convinced that it is essential that some “definite and immediate progress should be made towards a basis upon which further negotiations can usefully proceed,” and recognise the futility of a “mere exchange” of argumentative notes. I shall refrain, therefore, from commenting on the fallacious historical references in your last communication.

The present is the reality with which we have to deal. The conditions today are the resultant of the past, accurately summing it up and giving in simplest form the essential data of the problem. These data are

1. The people of Ireland, acknowledging no voluntary union with Great Britain and claiming as a fundamental natural right to choose freely for themselves the path they shall take to realise their national destiny, have by an overwhelming majority declared for independence, set up a Republic, and more than once confirmed their choice.
2. Great Britain, on the other hand, acts as though Ireland were bound to her by a contract of union that forbade separation. The circumstances of the supposed contract are p.17 notorious, yet on the theory of its validity the British Government and Parliament claim to rule and legislate for Ireland, even to the point of partitioning Irish territory against the will of the Irish people, and killing or casting into prison every Irish citizen who refuses allegiance.

The proposals of your Government submitted in the draft of July 20th are based fundamentally on the latter premises. We have rejected these proposals and our rejection is irrevocable. They were not an invitation to Ireland to enter into “a free and willing” partnership with the free nations of the British Commonwealth. They were an invitation to Ireland to enter in a guise, and under conditions which determine a status definitely inferior to that of these free States. Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand are all guaranteed against the domination of the major State, not only by the acknowledged constitutional rights which give them equality of status with Great Britain and absolute freedom from the control of the British Parliament and Government, but by the thousands of miles that separate them from Great Britain. Ireland would have the guarantees neither of distance nor of right. The conditions sought to be imposed would divide her into two artificial states, each destructive of the other's influence in any common Council, and both subject to the military, naval, and economic control of the British Government.

The main historical and geographical facts are not in dispute, but your Government insists on viewing them from your standpoint. We must be allowed to view them from ours. The history that you interpret as dictating union we read as dictating separation. Our interpretations of the fact of “geographical propinquity” are no less diametrically opposed. We are convinced that ours is the true and just interpretation, and as a proof are willing that a neutral, impartial arbitrator should be the judge. You refuse and threaten to give effect to your view by force. Our reply must be that if you adopt that course we can only resist, as the generations before us have resisted.

Force will not solve the problem. It will never secure the ultimate victory over reason and right. If you again resort to force, and if victory be not on the side of justice, the problem that confronts us will confront our successors. The fact that for 750 years this problem has resisted a solution by force is evidence and warning sufficient. It is true wisdom, therefore, and true statesmanship, not any false idealism, that prompts me and my colleagues. Threats of force must be set aside. They must be set aside from the beginning, as well as during the actual conduct of the negotiations. The respective plenipotentiaries must meet untrammelled by any conditions save the facts themselves, and must be prepared to reconcile their subsequent differences not by appeals to force, covert or open, but by reference to some guiding principle on which there is common agreement. We have proposed the principle of government by consent of the governed, and do not mean it as a mere phrase. It is a simple expression of the test to which any proposed solution must respond if it is to prove adequate, and it can be used as a criterion for the details as well as for the whole. That you claim it as a peculiarly British principle, instituted by Britain, and “now the very life of the British Commonwealth” should make it peculiarly acceptable to you. On this basis, and this only, we see a hope of reconciling “the considerations which must govern the attitude” of Britain's representatives with the considerations that must govern the attitude of Ireland's representatives, and on this basis we are ready at once to appoint plenipotentiaries.

I am, Sir,
Faithfully yours,
(Signed) EAMON DE VALERA.

Dáithí Uasal Leód Seóirse,
10, Sráid Downing,
i Lonndain.
Baile Atha Cliath,
12 Meadhon Foghmhair, 1921.

Níl aon scáth orainn a rádh leat go bhfuilimíd lántoilteanach “dul i gcomhdháil chum a dhéanamh amach conus is fearr is féidir an bhaint a bheidh idir an Saor-Chumann Náisiún ar a nglaodhtar Impireacht Shasana agus cuspóir náisiúnta mhuintir na hEireann do réidhteach.” Do chuireamair i n-iúl duit i n-ár litir, 10 Lughnasa, chomh fonnmhar is táimíd a leithéid de chomh-bhaint a bhreithniughadh. Dá bhrígh sin tá glaoidhte againn ar DHAIL EIREANN teacht le chéile chum go gcuirimíd fé n-a brághaid ainmneacha na dteachtaí atá ar aigne againn a cheapadh chum a ndeimhnighthe. Tá súil againn go mbeidh ar chumas na dteachtaí seo bheith i n-lnbhear Nois ar an lá adeirir, an 20adh lá de Mheadhon Foghmhair.

Ins an nóta deireannach so is dualgas linn a rádh arís go bhfuil an sgéal againn díreach mar a mhínigheamair sa chomhfhreagrachas so é, agus nách féidir gan é bheith amhlaidh. Tá a neamhspleadhchus féin fógraithe ag Eirinn do réir nós na náisiún agus dar léi féin gur Saorstát í. Is mar lucht labhartha ar son an tsaorstáit sin amháin agus mar lucht toghtha a cosanta atá ughdarás no cumas againn beart a dhéanamh ar son ár muintire.

Maidir le “Riaghaltas do réir toil na ndaoine a riaghaluightear” tá sé do réir nádúra go gcaithfidh san bheith mar bhun fé aon tsocrughadh a thabharfaidh an rud is mian linn chum críche, is é sin, caradas seasmhach a shnaidhmeadh idir an dá náisiún. Níor bhaineamair-ne riamh aon bhrígh eile as an dteagasg san ach an ghnáth-bhrigh, an bhrígh, cuiream i gcás, do bhain muintir chomónta an tsaoghail as nuair adubhrais ar an 5adh Eanair, 1918:

… Caithfear socrughadh na hEuróipe nua a dhéanamh ar bhun éigin réasúin agus cirt nach miste bheith i ndóchas a bhuanuighthe. Dá bhrígh sin is é ár mór-thuairim nach foláir riaghaltas do réir toil na ndaoine a riaghaluightear a bheith mar bhun fé aon tsocrughadh líomatáiste a déanfar de dhruim an chogaidh seo.

Siad na focail seo an fíor-fhreagra atá ar an léirmheas do deineadh orainn id' litir dheireannach. 'Sé brígh a baineadh as an uair sin ná ceart a bheith ag náisiúin a tugadh fe smacht impreachtaí i gcoinnibh a dtola iad féin d'fhuasgailt ón gceangal a bhí ortha. B'in í an bhrígh do bhaineamair-ne as. Le fírinne is é do Riaghaltas-sa a thuigfeadh leis an dteagasg “go mbainfí an bonn ós gach aon stát a sheasuigheann ar thoil na ndaoine agus go gcasfaí an saoghal síbhialta thar n-ais chum finidheachais” nuair a iarann sé cúis chum ar náisiún ársa a stracadh as a chéile agus a líomatáiste do roinnt.

Mise, da chara gan cháim,
(Síghnithe) EAMON DE VALERA.

2. (Official Translation).

The Right Hon. D. Lloyd George,
10 Downing Street,
Whitehall, London.

Mansion House, Dublin,
Sept. 12th, 1921.

We have no hesitation in declaring our willingness “to enter a Conference to ascertain how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations.” Our readiness to contemplate such an association was indicated in our letter of August 10th. We have accordingly summoned Dáil Eireann that we may submit to it for ratification the names of the representatives it is our intention to propose. We hope that these representatives will find it possible to be at Inverness on the date you suggest, September 20th.

In this final note we deem it our duty to reaffirm that our position is and can only be as we have defined it throughout this correspondence. Our nation has formally declared its independence and recognises itself as a sovereign State. It is only as the representatives of that State and as its chosen guardians that we have any authority or powers to act on behalf of our people.

As regards the principle of “government by consent of the governed,” in the very nature of things it must be the basis of any agreement that will achieve the purpose we have at heart, that is, the final reconciliation of our nation with yours. We have suggested no interpretation of that principle save its every-day interpretation, the sense, for example, in which it was understood by the plain men and women of the world when on January 5th, 1918, you said:—

.…The settlement of the new Europe must be based on such grounds of reason and justice as will give some promise of stability. Therefore it is that we feel that government with the consent of the governed must be the basis of any territorial settlement in this war.

I am, Sir, Faithfully yours,
(Signed) EAMON DE VALERA.

Tigh an Ard-Mhéire, Baile Atha Cliath,
30 Meadhon Foghmhair, 1921. Dáithí Uasal Leód Seóirse,
Gairloch.

Fuaireamair do litir ag tabhairt chuireadh dhúinn chum Comhdhála i Lundain ar an 11adh Deire Foghmhair “chum a dhéanamh amach conus is fearr is féidir an bhaint a bheidh idir an Saor-Chumann Náisiún ar a nglaodhtar Impireacht Shasana agus cuspóir náisiúnta mhuintir na hEireann do réidhteach.”

Do mínigheadh conus mar atá an sgéal ag an dá thaobh agus tuigtear é, agus táimíd ar aon aigne leat gur comhdháil agus ní comhfhreagrachas an tslighe is fearr agus is mó dóchas chum teacht ar chomh-thuisgint sa chúrsa. Glacaimíd leis an gcuireadh agus teangmhóidh ár dTeachtaí leat i Lundain ar an lá atá luaidhte “d'fhonn gach is féidir a dhéanamh chum réidhtigh do thástáil le díospóireacht bbéil.”

Mise, do chara gan cháim,
EAMON DE VALERA.

2. (Official Translation).

Mansion House, Dublin,
30th September, 1921. Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd George,
Gairloch.

We have received your letter of invitation to a Conference in London on October 11th “with a view to ascertaining how the association of Ireland with the community of Nations known as the British Empire may best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations.”

Our respective positions have been stated and are understood, and we agree that conference, not correspondence, is the most practical and hopeful way to an understanding. We accept the invitation, and our Delegates will meet you in London on the date mentioned “to explore every possibility of settlement by personal discussion.”

Faithfully yours,
EAMON DE VALERA.