CELT document G600010

Regimen Sanitatis


Foreword to the Digital Edition

This digital edition of the Regimen Sanitatis, edited by H. Cameron Gillies, and published 1911 by Glasgow University Press, is the first Irish medical text published by the Corpus of Electronic Texts (CELT) on the Internet.

It is based on British Library MS Add. 15582 and was copied in 1563 by Aodh Ó Cendamhain whose scribal signature is on f. 11rbz. Professor Aoibheann Nic Dhonnchadh has pointed out to me that 'there were at least three scribes, Aodh Ó Cendamain, Cairbre, and Daibhí Ó Cearnaigh', and that there is no certainty if Aodh copied the whole text, until the distribution of MS hands is re-examined again.

Gillies' edition was chosen for various reasons: It touches on the interconnections between the Gaelic world of Ireland and Scotland with continental science and scholarship in that pivotal transition period from the late Middle Ages to the emerging Renaissance. It throws light on the process of transmitting, translating and adapting Latin medical tracts into a West European vernacular, undertaken by hereditary physicians from medical schools. It is of interest for the social history of the era, of great interest for lexicography, and it is one of the few edited texts of this vast manuscript body. Moreover, Gillies' edition is in the public domain.

In the printed edition, Gillies' transliteration is accompanied by reproductions of the MS, described by him as “quite legible” (p. 1). There are no digital images of this MS available yet, but digital images of a late 15th century or early 16th century vellum manuscript containing the same text, National Library of Ireland G 12, are available on the ISOS Project website: http://www.isos.dcu.ie/nli/home.html).

In preparing the edition, our intention has been to make the major part of the text available, including introduction, transliteration, translation, and editor's notes. The /SGML/XML master file contains structural and content encoding (regularized forms, corrections, deletions, etc.). From the master document a number of smaller files and a single file containing the whole text in HTML format are derived for display in web browsers. The single HTML file contains markedly less encoding than the master file. The HTML file is the basis for the plaintext format, which in turn is stripped of all encoding and notes. There is a small number of Greek characters and apothecaries' symbols, such as 'ounce', 'dragma' and 'scruple' which, regrettably, are not supported yet and cannot be displayed.

CELT is switching from SGML to XML as its markup language. There are far-reaching implications for text processing and display quality:

(1) XML supports all unicode characters; (2) conversion of text to static HTML versions, and the related loss of encoded information will be a thing of the past. The XML master file will be underlying source for creating HTML files 'on the fly' each time a page is loaded in the browser. An XSLT stylesheet acts as intervening instance controlling the manner in which the underlying information is transformed into HTML. It is possible, with multiple XSLT stylesheets for the same master document, to create customised HTML versions, for instance one showing the transcribed text, and another showing the edited text. In the case of variant readings (which we do not have for this edition) there could be an XSLT stylesheet showing the different readings of each manuscript separately.

The transliteration was left as it is apart from slight editorial changes. These include capitalizing proper names, and providing regularized name forms using the reg attribute inside the name markup for easier searching.

Gillies' rendering of expressions such as 'dothabhairt', 'gominic', 'afhis', 'intan', etc. was brought in line with general usage by writing them separately. The forms used by Gillies in the edition are retained in the master file in the 'reg' (regularization) tag which has an 'orig' (original) attribute: reg orig="gominic"go minic/reg. An unexpected difficulty presented itself in cases where his rendering in the orig tag differed from the MS original, whether through MS misreadings or typographical errors.

Gillies' remarks on letters marked by the 'punctum delens', and his notes dealing with textual emendations are integrated into the encoding. His other notes are integrated into the main text, and displayed as popup windows in the HTML file (such as the note to col. 17 l. 32; col. 20 l. 9, l. 24; col. 26 l. 31). A few notes not containing relevant material were omitted, such as col. 19 l. 9, col. 17, l. 26; and 'Further Notes' under col. 29.) Readers will note that the spelling of words and phrases in the notes sometimes differs from that shown in the transliteration: such as col.7 t'singcoipis(n) — tshingcoipis(t); col.8 fundamínt(n) — fundamint(t); col.9 caindighect na nithead(n) — caindighecht na neithead(t); col.10 linadh tadhbais(n) — línadh tadhbais(t), foirbhearteos, to name but a few. Overall, he tends to expand the many MS abbreviations of the Early Modern Irish manuscript in the Scottish Gaelic manner.

In cross-references within his notes, he refers to column and line of the manuscript. Since the digital edition allows text search, this should not present any problem.

Gillies himself calls his translation 'stilted', but very literal, as “the diction of the old medical Empirics [...] is [...] in concept wholly unintelligible to the mind of the present day” (13) and he perceives an “immeasurable and irreconcileable difference between the Gaelic and the English idioms” (14). His aim has been “to conserve as much of the flavour of the original” (14) as possible.

Finally it is my pleasure to record my thanks to Professor Aoibheann Nic Dhonnchadh from the School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, for reading the SGML file, and for her generous and invaluable help in correcting errors, and offering suggestions to improve this edition.

Beatrix Färber, CELT


This tract Regimen Sanitatis or the Rule of Health is from a Gaelic Medical Manuscript which I found at the British Museum. The MS. (catalogued as Add. 15582) consists of sixty-two vellum folios, the same size as is here reproduced. The cover is skin-covered board ornamented by simple straight-line devices. The front board has two sides of the original pair of silver clasps still attached, the other parts are wanting. The vellum is in a very fair state of preservation, and the writing, as may be seen from the photographic reproduction, is quite legible. Without doubt this book belonged to John MacBeath, one of the very remarkable family of that name who were hereditary physicians to the Lords of the Isles and to the Kings of Scotland for several centuries. The volume remained in the MacBeath family for many generations, but how it found its way into England, I fear, cannot now be surely known. The only indication is that it was “purchased of Thos. Rodd 9th August 1845” — by the Museum — but how it came into Rodd's hands is not known. There is another MacBeath book also lying here (catalogued as Add. 15403), a smaller vellum treating of Materia Medica. It also was got through Rodd, a well-known London bookseller who took up his father's business in 1821, and died 1849. In this volume, on inserted paper leaves in the front, occur these statements: (1) “Presented by Sir Wm. Betham [to the Duke of Sussex?] May 24th 1827 — MS. on Botany in the Irish character”; (2) “Purchased at the Sussex Sale 31st July 1844 by Thorpe and of him (through Rodd) for B.M. 10 Aug. 1845.” It is very likely that the two volumes came by the same way, so  p.2 far. Sir Wm. Betham was Keeper of the Records of Dublin Castle from 1805 onwards until he was made Ulster King of Arms in 1820. He was devoted to philology and to the Gaelic language especially, and wrote extensively upon Keltic subjects. He died at Blackrock near Dublin in 1853. The Duke of Sussex (1773-1846) was sixth son of George III. and a president of the Royal Society.

The Macbeaths

The only methodical attempts as yet made to endeavour to get the long history of this family into anything like order have been (1) by Professor Mackinnon in two valuable articles written to the Edinburgh Medical Journal in 1896, (2) by myself in an essay written for the Caledonian Medical Society in 1902, published in the Society's Journal for April of that year, and (3) by Professor Mackinnon again upon “The Genealogy of the MacBeths or Beatons of Islay and Mull”, which was published in the same Journal (C.M.J.) in July of the same year. I here summarise these efforts, and try to get them into such order as I may be able to — with any additional facts I may have lately culled. This will give a more direct and intelligent interest to the text than could be possible without it. It will also serve as a basis for further investigation and addition.

The name MacBeath (as I here prefer it) is very variously written in the old manuscripts and in books. It is Mac-bead, Book of Deer 11th cent., M'Betha 1408, Beatone 1511, Meg Beth 1563, Micbhethadh 1587, MacBeath 1609, Beatoun 1638, M'Bethadh 1657, Betonus 1674, Bettounus 1677, Beda 1680 — but older far — Maigbheta 1701, Maig Bhetha 1708. In the MSS. of the Advocates' Library the dates of which are not yet fixed, it occurs as Betune II, Meigbetadh IV, Maigbheta V, Magbeta XX, Makbetathe, M'Veagh Beattoun and Beattounne XXI. It has become Peudan (Peden) in Skye and Biotun in Mull. Bethune also occurs associated with the MacBeaths, but as this  p.3 family is said to have come from Fife it is doubtful if they were at all related in name or blood. There may have been an overlapping or an intermixture of the names, but the basic name is that given.

The true forms of the family name, such as Bead, Beda, Macbheatha and Macbheathadh, mean “Son of life”, following a very old form of Gaelic naming, perhaps the oldest, many others of which remain with us to the present day.

Other important facts relating to this family are, in —

1379. Farquhar (medicus regis) had a grant from Prince Alexander Stuart (The Wolf of Badenoch) of the lands of Melness and Hope, and in —

1386. Ferchard Leiche, “Farquhar the physician”, got in heritage from King Robert II. the islands of Jura, Calwa, Sanda, Ellangawne, Ellanwillighe, Ellanrone, Ellanehoga, Ellanequochra, Ellanegelye, Ellaneyefe, and all the islands between Rowestorenastynghe and Rowearmadale — Rudh' a' Stóir an Assaint and Rudh' Armadail.

1408. Fercos Macbetha witnesses, and almost certainly draws, a deed of land-grant in Islay to Brian Vicaire Mhag-aodh from McDomhnaill — the Macdonald of the Isles who led the Highlanders at the battle of Harlaw, 24th July, 1411. His father, John, Lord of the Isles, was married to Lady Margaret Stuart, daughter of Robert II. This deed is reproduced in Nat. MSS. Scot. Vol. ii. No. lix., and in The Book of Islay, and in the C.M.J. for April, 1902. The lands here granted are situated in the Oa extending across from Kilneachtoin to Laggan Bay.

1511. Donold M'Donachy or M'Corrachie (simply the same name mis-written because most likely mis-spoken), “descendit frae Farquhar Leiche”, resigned the lands of Melness and Hope and all the lands of Strathnaver, in favour of the Chief of the Mackays. Donnachadh (Duncan) was a favourite name with the MacBeaths, and the M'Donachy, M'Corrachie (for MacDhonnachaidh) and the Connachers of Lorn are one and the same name. Donchad M'Meic Bead occurs in The Book of Deer.


Duncan Conacher wrote a medical work at Dunollie in this same year, which is still extant.

In 1511 a David Beatone was among the Nomina incorporatorum of the University of Glasgow, and from that time onwards through three centuries the Roll contains such names as Johannus Beatonus, Fergus Betonius, Duncan Beatonus, Donaldus Beatonus, etc.

1563. Another Tract of this same MS., mostly surgical, was written for John MacBeath by David O'Kearny. It was published, C.M.J. April, 1902.

1587. Under this date there is a Gaelic entry in the Laing MS. (Adv. xxi.) that the book then belonged to Gilcolum son of Gilanders son of Donald MacBeath.

In Adv. iii. (which I have at the B.M., by the courtesy of the Directors, for the purpose of reference) there occurs on the second folio from the end, in the top margin, “Misi Gilla Colaim I am Gilla-colum”.

1598. The MS. was in possession of James MacBeath at Tain. It was evidently lent him by John, the real owner, whose mother had in that year made a journey to Islay. — C.M.J.

1609. James VI. confirms to Fergus M'Beath by charter certain lands in the Oa of Islay which his family had held from the Lords of the Isles in virtue of their office as hereditary physicians “ab omni hominum memoria”. The full text of the charter is given in the C.M.J.

1629. These lands were sold by John the son of Fergus to the Lord Lorne of the time and the charter found its way to Inveraray, where it is preserved.

1638. A James Betoun, “doctor of physicke”, made a “voyage” from Edinburgh to Islay professionally twice, as would seem, in this year. In the Accounts of Colin and George Campbell — brothers and curators successively of John Campbell Fiar of Calder (1638-1653) — there appears an item of payment to the said James of £266 13s. 4d. for his first journey “as his ticket of reseate bearis”, and of £178 8s. for the second, and a further  p.5 sum of £101 6s. 8d. paid to Patrick Hepburn “for drogis that went in Doctour Beatoune his companie to Illa”.

1657. The Laing MS. then belonged to a Donald MacBeath as an entry shows.

1657. John, a distinguished member of the Mull branch — the famous Ollamh Muileach, died. He was buried in Iona, where Donald Beaton in 1674 placed a slab to his memory bearing the inscription Joannes Betonus, Maclenorum familie medicus qui mortuus est 19 Novembris 1657.

1671. “Ioannus Bettonnus” possessed the MS. Adv. iii., for he says “egrape to cheir autōn”, 1671, evidently intended to mean 'written with his own hand', and E M'B appears in a small circular mended patch on the inside of the cover.

1700. Martin wrote his Travels, where he makes interesting references to the Beatons. He states among other things that “Dr. Beaton the famous physician of Mull” was sitting on the upper deck of the Florida, one of the vessels of the Spanish Armada, when it was blown up in the bay of Tobermory in 1588, but that he escaped unhurt.

1701. A John MacBeath possessed the MS. Adv. v.

1708. This MS. (15582) was in the possession of John MacBeath. His name is written under 25th May of that year.

1710. The same name is written under “20 die Junii”. Although the writing of this name and that of 1708 are very different, it is almost certainly that of the same John.

1778. The Rev. Thomas White of Liberton who married a Miss Bethune of Skye wrote a pamphlet giving a genealogy of the Skye branch from a manuscript to which he had access. This was reprinted by Mackenzie of Glasgow in 1887 for a Mr. Kenneth Maclennan.

1784. The Rev. Donald Macqueen gave a Gaelic copy of the Lilium Medicinae, which belonged to the Beatons “for five generations before”, to the Society of Antiquaries.


The Substance of the Text

Even if this book may not add very much to the sum of our present medical knowledge it is nevertheless of extreme interest from the human and historical aspect as well as from the point of view of the physician and the scholar. To find men in the far North and in the Western Isles of Scotland who, in those early centuries, were familiar with, and had well digested all that was best in the medical literature of Greece and Rome and Araby is more than, let us say, Lord Macaulay would give them credit for; and it would surely surprise Samuel Johnson to find that there was a great mass of Gaelic scientific writing lying unknown, for long ages, before he declared that there was not one page in the language beyond a hundred years old. It was so, however, even if Dr. Johnson did not know, and even if Lord Macaulay to his utter discredit did not want to.

The generalisations of the first chapter are so completely comprehensive and yet so extremely precise and logical, that we may doubt if they have ever been, or can be, improved upon. Conservatiuum, Preservatiuum, and Reductiuum round the whole duty of man regarding his health in the most perfect way, and perhaps in the very best form of words. Conservatiuum is the duty of those in health; or, as we might say, an intelligent understanding of the conditions of health and life, and a rightly careful application of this most useful and saving knowledge, to conserve the healthful state, is the first and highest duty of everyone. That is what Conservation means, or as Dr. Standish O'Grady has put it with almost a stroke of genius, “Keep as you are”.

Preservatiuum, again, is for those who know by any signs that they are departing from the fully healthy state and are going into unhealth and weakness “that is proper and necessary” for them, and very urgently so, if they are to save themselves from a much worse state.


Reductiuum is for those who, failing to apply their common sense in the earlier, easier positions, must now be led back, through suffering and sorrow and loss and expense, the same way as that by which they ignorantly or foolishly came down — back to and through the Preservatiuum or “fore-seeing” position where they could have saved themselves before, and up to the position at which Conservatiuum would have made their decline and dis-ease impossible — that is, if they ever get back there again. How very often do we hear a man say, “Since that last illness, I have not been myself at all; I find I must be careful now.” This is the very essence of wisdom, but it has been dearly bought — perfection through suffering surely, for very much less 'care' at the proper time would have saved him from the whole catastrophe. Much more rarely we hear, “Since that last illness I have been a new man.” This simply means that a man who has been drawing too much upon his life and health has been “pulled up”, and through long and careful Reductio he has been led back fortunately to his first position of apparently good health. Conservatiuum is the position for thoughtful, sensible men. Preservatiuum is the position at which natural warnings show themselves and should be understood and obeyed. Reductiuum is the whip-lash of compulsion which comes really to save and not to destroy, but which even in the best event can only attain, through suffering and sore uphill travail, to the position of less or more of the health which with some sense should never have been lost or departed from.

The sensefulness of this single chapter alone, if people would only understand and act upon it, would fully justify the labour and expense entailed by this work, apart altogether from its aim in other directions.

I do not analyse the contents of the Tract. It will reveal itself. It is full of wisdom — the filtrate, so to say, of a thousand years of very clear thought, and the essence of writings that are permanent. The very admirable morning “toilet” of the Third Chapter is, however, commended to the attention  p.8 of such as perhaps may be disposed to believe Lord Macaulay's gross travesty of the personal habits of his own people. We must remember that this was before the advent of the household bath and the tooth-brush. It is therefore a very excellent and very wholesome direction, indeed.

The Genesis of the Book

John MacBeath (and I here use his name as representative of the whole family, others of them doubtless contributing also) kept a Note Book, a Vade Mecum, in which he stored the sum and essence of his reading, compiled and translated from the many ancient authors which we know he had in his possession. He added pertinent comments and observations of his own, based upon his necessarily wide experience. All this was set down in the Scottish Gaelic of the time, which really did not differ very much from the Irish language of the same period. The compilation was not intended for publication, but was simply a practical memoriola such as many thoughtful physicians keep even in our day and place, when it is not nearly so necessary as it was in the MacBeaths' time and circumstances. He gave his manuscripts over to a professional Irish scribe in order that the substance might be written in the best and most compact form, and that is how we have them now. This Tract was written by Aodh O'Cendainn, as is shown in the last line of column xiv. of the text. A Cairpre O'Cendamhainn wrote at least part of the Laing MS. (Adv. xxi.). These may have been brothers. A similar thing happens in the case of another Tract in this same book which was written by two O'Kearneys — David and Cairpre (C.M.J. April, 1902). That these men were mere copyists knowing little or nothing of Medicine or its terminology is abundantly evident from the numerous miswritings that occur throughout all their work. It is also clear that they had their materials before them in Scottish Gaelic form, because we frequently find that when they take their eye off the “copy” they  p.9 at once drift into the writing of Irish forms — especially of the smaller commoner words.

The MacBeath knowledge by reading seems to have included all the best that was available in their time. Martin “Gent”, himself a man of Skye, the interesting, observant, and very intelligent traveller, writing in 1700, states that “Fergus Beaton in South Uist possessed the following MSS., namely Avicenna, Averroes, Joannes de Vigo, Bernardus Gordonus, and several volumes of Hippocrates.” These names and many others of the medical classics meet us constantly in the MacBeath writings. John might have sat for his portrait to Chaucer of his “Doctour of Phisik” in the fourteenth century, for

  1. Wel knewe he the olde Esculapius
    And Dioscorides and eke Rufus,
    Olde Ippocras, Haly and Gaylen,
    Serapion, Razis and Avycen,
    Averrois, Damascien and Constantyn,
    Bernard and Gatesden and Gilbertyn.

It will be helpful to understand the remoter origins. “Peritisimus omnium rerum Ippocras” says the postscript, column xxviii, and we may trace from this point and by this way the history of medical knowledge more directly and more appreciably than by any other path. To Hippocrates, Aristotle, and Galen, and the whole immense power of the Greek intellect, medicine was always a close branch of philosophy. It is not so with us now, but not long hence it must surely be so again.

The disturbing but awakening power of the Macedonian conqueror led to the founding of Alexandria and its great University. This was a University in the truest sense, for it was international and catholic without restraint. It had no test but knowledge and ability. Gentile, Jew, and Christian were alike equal. From this great centre through commercial and intellectual contact the Greek philosophy spread into Arabia and Persia and as far as India, and it had a further disseminating impulse from the banishment of the “heathen” philosophers by  p.10 the first Justinian in the year 529. The effect was that a blaze of intellectual culture broke out and possessed the East for five hundred years. The great Greek writers were studied, translated, and commented to an altogether wonderful extent. It was in this way that came Janus Damascenus, the Commentator of our text, and Isaac Judaeus and Rhases and Avicenna, Hali, Averrhoes, Rufus and many others.

In the early part of the present millennium there came a great return wave which struck along the northern coasts of the Mediterranean, where many schools of learning were founded upon the Arabian models, and were greatly influenced by Arabian teachers. Of these Monte-Casino, Salerno, and Montpellier were the most famous.

The monastery of Monte-Casino, nearly half-way between Naples and Rome, was founded by St. Benedict himself A.D. 529, as is said upon the old site of a temple of Apollo. Centuries later with the return of learning an infirmary was added and a school of medicine.

Monks from foreign lands came there for instruction, and eminent invalids from foreign parts for treatment. The most famous teacher of the School was Constantinus Africanus of Carthage (1018–1087). He introduced Arabic science and learning into Italy and Europe, and because of his universal travel and influence he was called “Orientis et Occidentis Doctor”. He taught for some time at Salerno, and then became monk at Monte-Casino, where he continued his work of translating from Arabic into Latin. Among his works of this kind was Hali's compendium, which he rendered under the title of Pantegni. It is frequently referred to in our text.

Salerno (old Salernum) on the bay of the same name, some thirty miles south of Naples, was founded as a school of Philosophy and Medicine A.D. 1150, and was for five hundred years at the top of medical schools in Europe. It was for this reason that it was nick-named “Civitas Hippocratica”. It was a practical University, studying the symptoms of disease, diet, materia medica,  p.11 and treatment in its fullest expression — not giving much attention to physiology or anatomy. The school had a very excellent effect in that its teaching mitigated and naturalised the rather severe doctrines of the older Greek methods of treatment; and this, without doubt, came by Arabic influence. Two great and permanent works issued from this school, namely, the Compendium Salernitatum and the rhymed Regimen Sanitatis Salerni. The former was a composite treatise, the text-book of the school, of which Joannes Platearius was part author. His part of the Compendium is the basis of the other MacBeath MS. (Add. 15403) in the British Museum (now British Library). The other work is a poem, or rather a versification, the object of which was that the wisdom it conveyed could be more easily committed to, and retained in the memory. It was addressed to Robert, son of William the Conqueror, “Anglorum Regi”, who was cured of a wound at Salerno in the year 1101. This was the vade mecum of every well-educated physician in Europe for several centuries. Sylvius, in his edition of the Schola Salernitana (Rotterdam, 1649), says “Nullus medicorum est qui carmina Scholae Salernitanae ore non circumfiret et omni occasione non crepet.” This work is attributed to John of Milan, who was President of Salerno in his day, but the Address is from “Schola tota Salerni”. That the book was in the possession of the MacBeaths there can be no doubt at all, so that if we owe the form of our text to John of Gaddesden we are indebted to the ancient School of Salernum for its substance and its whole essential character — not forgetting how much the MacBeaths themselves have added to it. The following quotation from the Regimen, if compared with the burden of the text, will readily show the pertinence of the statement which I have just made.

  1. Anglorum regi scribit schola tota Salerni.
    Si vis incolumem, si vis te vivere sanum
    Curas tolle graves, irasci crede profanum.
    Parce mero, caenato parum, non sit tibi vanum
    Surgere post epulas. Somnum fuge meridianum.
  2.  p.12
  3. Ne minctum retine. Ne comprime fortiter anum.
    Haec bene si serves tu longo tempore vives.
    Si tibi deficiant medici, medici tibi fiant
    Haec tria, mens laeta, requies, moderata dieta.
  4. Sex horis dormire sat est juvenique senique
    Septem vix pigro, nulli concedimus octo.
  5. Ex magna coena stomacho fit maxima poena.
    Ut sis nocte levis sit tibi coena brevis.
    Post coenam stabis aut passus mille meabis.

Montpellier, the chief town of the province of Herault in Southern France on the Gulf of Lyons, was, like Salerno, a school of general learning, with Medicine as perhaps its highest feature. The University was established by papal bull in 1289; the sexcentenary was celebrated in 1890. Gilbert the Englishman was taught here, as was also John of Gaddesden, the author of the Rosa Anglica, upon part of which our Text is based. Bernard Gordon also, a Scot born in France, was a teacher here in the early years of the fourteenth century. He wrote the Lilium Medicinae which the MacBeaths possessed and rendered into Gaelic. A copy of this work was presented to the library of the Society of Scottish Antiquaries in 1784, where it now lies. It came from Farchar Beaton of Husabost “five generations ago” — according to the Rev. Donald Macqueen of Kilmuir who presented the book.

Montpellier was strongly under the Arabic influence, which explains how we find so many Arabic terms in such of our Manuscripts as came by this way — especially in the names of medicinal plants and in Materia Medica generally.

This very short statement of the old Schools taken with the Personal Notes will enable the reader to understand the history of the Text fairly well.


The Transliteration

The extension of the Text which is arranged to face the photographs is as correct and exact as it possibly can be made. I have copied the errors of the scribe with even more care than the correct writing. I am exceedingly indebted to my affectionate friend Standish H. O'Grady, LL. D. — a Grádhach truly in act as in name. He compared my rendering of the MS. with the original, “letter for letter” as he expressed it — yes, and dot for dot. This exact rendering will make the text much more valuable from the scholar's point of view, and to the student it will be always of interest to observe the many difficulties and the very frequent pitfalls which the pioneer in this kind of work had to overcome and to avoid.

I have not brought the various Contractions together in one place as might have been done. I thought it would be sufficient to refer to them, as they occurred, in the Notes. In my Essay, which is deposited at the Library of the Society of Scottish Antiquaries, there are some ten pages of the contractions given, and a special page is given to the more important in the Caledonian Medical Journal for April, 1902. The novice, however, in this study will do well to make a list of them for himself; it will be easy to do so with the extension facing the original MS. writing.

The Translation

The English rendering of the Text is very stilted — for several reasons. The diction of the old Medical Empirics which occupies the great part of the earlier chapters, and colours all the others, however simple the words may appear, is yet in concept wholly unintelligible to the mind of the present day. All that could be done then was to give a rigidly literal but naked translation. Then again, there is the immeasureable and  p.14 irreconcileable difference between the Gaelic and the English idioms. An English rendering can therefore only be a very crude compromise. I have endeavoured to conserve as much of the flavour of the original as I possibly could, and yet bring as much of the sense within the English language as makes it fairly easy to follow — with a little thought and attention.

The Time and Age of the Text

This can be arrived at, but at best only approximately, by the following ways, namely:

  1. By the earliest expressed date given in, or as part of, the Text. We find in this same MS., and in what would seem to be a later tract than that of our Text, “Ocus do bi aois an tigerna antan do sgriobhadh an leabar so .i. mile bliadan ocus cuig céd ocus tri bliadna ocus tri fithid and the age of the Lord the time this book was written was one thousand years and five hundred and three years and three score — 1563.

    It is not drawing too much upon possibility nor even upon probability if we give our Text a century of existence as the handbook of the MacBeath family before it was given by this John to the Irish scribe O'Cendainn to copy, or the other and later tract to the O'Kearneys.

  2. The form and style of the handwriting is another aid, but still only approximately. The writing of Leabhar na hUidhre in its contractions and other graphical peculiarities does not differ very strongly from our Text, and its date is taken as fixed — about 1470. The same may be said of The Book of Lismore, and it is accepted as being of the latter part of the fifteenth century. This also is in confirmation of my deduction so far.

  3. Then there is the developmental stage of the language to be considered, and this again in the matter of Eclipsis and other grammatical peculiarities, points to the same period.

  4. Finally, there is the fact that the Rosa Anglica, upon which our Text is based, was published in the early years of  p.15 the fourteenth century; and knowing that the MacBeaths took a high place in Medicine long before, and kept it for long after, we cannot imagine that it took more than two hundred years to come to their knowledge. Dr. O'Grady thinks the writing is of the early sixteenth century, but the late Whitley Stokes, by far the greatest Gaelic scholar of our time and perhaps of all time, placed the companion MS. (15403) as of the early fifteenth or even the fourteenth century. The side-light of Chaucer, already, quoted from his “Doctour of Phisik” is also important in this connection, for we can hardly believe that the first physicians of Scotland were far, if at all, behind those of Chaucer's time in England in their knowledge of the authors here so freely referred to.

    So, taking all these things into consideration, it does not seem too much to say that our Text is “of the Early 16th Century”. I feel that it would be even safer to say the 15th century instead.

The form of the language in the Text is also of interest. If compared with the form of modern Scottish Gaelic, several points come out clearly. First, the root essentials have been, are, and remain the same — always — though other things vary and differ very much. The Eclipsis of the Strong initial Consonants c, p, t and even of the Medials g, b, d which has been so definitely developed in the later Irish language did not belong to the old language at all. It is an effort to follow and to express a physiological actuality but for which expression there is really no linguistic need. We had the process fully developed in our older Scottish Gaelic, but it has most sensibly been done away with altogether, and we have no eclipsis now. In my copy of the Confession of Faith, printed at Glasgow in 1725, such forms as a mbpeacadh “the sin”, na ngcriostaidh “of the Christians”, na ndtrocair “of the mercies” are met with, where the whole vocal gamut is logically, even if unnecessarily, expressed. The Irish people never went this whole logical length. It was too much to introduce a word by mbp, ngc, ndt — but  p.16 they have stuck closely to the two letter forms of initial mb and bp, ng and gc, nd and dt. Eclipsis occurs in our Text, but not regularly and not frequently, so we might fairly infer that the time of our Text was about the time of the introduction of this peculiarity in writing.

The terminal inflections are fairly well preserved, but without precision or regularity — as may be seen. They are carelessly and perhaps ignorantly shown and done; still they are not without interest. As in the matter of eclipsis, there is in these also an apparent seeking after phonetic expression, regardless of the historical continuity of form.

Aspiration of the consonants again is here only partly developed. This is now complete both in Irish and in Scottish Gaelic. The process has certainly deformed written Scottish Gaelic especially, which writes h after the consonant where Irish only uses the very much neater over-dot.

All these expediences follow the “otiose” or lazy development which is manifest in all languages. In fact, as the late Dr. Macbain put it to me, it is not unlikely that mankind in days to come may be able to get along with only a few grunts. The tendency is strongly in that direction. The speech of man is losing its bone and its strength, in the same way and perhaps for the same reasons as the race is losing its hair and its teeth — because it does not fully use them.

P.S. — On 13th July, 1641, William Earl Mareschal borrowed from James Beatoune of Nether Tarbett, Doctor of Medicine, and Janet Goldman, his spouse, the sum of 4000 merks upon the security of some lands in the parish of Fetteresso, for repayment of which and arrears of interest the said Mr. James Beatoune raised against the Earl a successful process of apprising on the said lands before the Commissioners for the Administration of Justice on 3rd January, 1654. (C.M.J., Jan., 1911).

It is surely interesting that where I consulted the Museum authorities as to the best man to photograph this text, they at once said “Mr. Macbeth”, and his name is John!

Unknown author

Edited by H. Cameron Gillies

Regimen Sanitatis


Regimen Sanitatis


REGIMEN SANITATIS est triplex .i. ataid tri gneithi ar follamhnughadh na slainte.  1 Conseruatiuum .i. coimed ocus preseruatiuum .i. rem-coimed ocus reductiuum .i treorugadh mar foillsighius Galen2 sa treas partegul do Tegni. Conservatiuum do na daoinibh slána is imcubidh e. Preseruatiuum don droing bhis ag dul an eslainti no dolucht na neimnechtarda dlighear e. Ocus reductiuum do lucht na heslainti dlighear. Gidhedh gairther presiruatiuum do seruatiuum uair and mar adeir Hali sa treas partegul do Thegni3 sa seathadh coimint dég ocus dá fitheat. Maseadh adeirim gurub o neithibh cosmhaile do niter in coimed mar adeirur san inadh cétna “Si uis conseruare crasim quam accepisti similia similibus offeras” .i. madh áil let an coimplex dogabuis cugat do coimet tabhair neithi cosmuile.  4 Maseadh is neithi cosmuile go huilidhi a céim ocus a foirm dligher do tabhairt don corp mesardha ocus in corp claonus do claonadh nadurdha o measurdacht dligher neithi cosmuile do réir foirme ocus ni do réir céime do tabuirt dó arson na togra ata aige cum tuitme mar adeir Aueroys5 sa seathadh leabur do Collegett. Et da n-abairsi nach gabann ní gnímh ona cosmailius cuige mar adeir Auicina6 a caibidil comhartha  1/2 na coimplex sa dara fén don cét leabur mar an abair gurub o thota species gnimaighitt na baill ar in biadh. Adeirim-si gurub o thota species7 an baill do niter an dileaghadh ocus on tes mar indstruimint mar adeir Aueroys sa cuigedh leabur do Collegett do gaile an éin renaburthar struccio gurub ullma an aimsir ina leaghtur iarann mór ann o thota species na sa teine ocus is mar sin and sa cás so. No adeirim nach gabtur gním ona cosmailius anns na neithibh bis gan anum gidheadh féttur a denamh go maith is na neithibh ambi anum. Maseadh na cuirp claonas on mhesurdhacht follamhnaighter o neithib cosmuile do réir fhoirme iad in tan bit sa measurdhacht dilighter doibh ocus gan am beith cosmhail do réir chéime oir dlighidh an céim beith nis ísle sa biadh na sa corp da tabartur da oilemhain e ocus dlighear in drong so d'oileamhain le biadh leighiseamail oir is le biadh is biadh  8 dlighear an coimplex mesardha d'follamnughadh. “Uerbi gracia” .i. adir Hali sa treas partegul do Theighni a coimint an texa so “calidiora calidioribus et cetera”  9 condlighear an corp tesaighi do shír no an corp claonas o cuttromacht  10 a dhá céim d'follamhnughadh le neithibh tesaidhi sa cét céim ocus is neithi fuara gaires dibh sin oir in teas iseal is fuaradh am bél an lega e ocus is uime sin a deirit drong go seachranach ag tuigsin an texa sin gurup le neithibh fuara dligher na cuirp tesaighi do coimhed ocus is brég sin gidhegh féttur a remh-choimhed no a tesargadh re neithibh fuara is isle a céim  p.18  2/3 na in corp dobáil do rem-coimhett. Gidhegh cena an follamnughadh renaburtar reduccio is le neithibh fuara sa taoibh contrardha ocus a céim in and dlighear a dhenamh gidhegh dlighear a fhis gurub le neitibh tesaighi ísli dlighear na cuirp theo docoimhett ocus na cuirp fhuaara le neithibh fuara ísli ocus na cuirp tirma le neithibh tirma ísle, et cetera. Ocus is folluis gondlighear cuirp lenna duibh  11 d'follamhnughadh le neithibh fuara, tirma, ísli ocus is neithi tesaighi flichi sin ocus ni go h'aonda acht an aithfheghadh coimplexa lenna duibh 12 mar a deir commentator an damasenus13 sa dara partegul sa cuigedh coimint ocus tri fithit go fuil an fín tesaighi tirim gidhegh adeir gurub tesaighi flichi e an aithfegadh lenna duibh ocus is mar sin adeirim ann sa cás so. Et is mar an cétna do coímplex lenna find condlighear a follamhnughadh le neithibh fuara flicha ísle ocus is neithi tesaighi tirma ísli sin gidhegh da mbia coimplex lenna find ar tuitim do thuithim aicidigh chum fuarachta ocus cum flichada dlighear a follamhnughadh le neithibh tesaighi tirma árda ocus is e sin a treorughadh cum a contrardha. Maseadh dlighear na neithi-si d'fheuchain a coimhed na slainti .i. cáil ocus caindighecht ocus órd ocus aimsir bliadhna ocus aimsir no uair in proindighthi ocus aois ocus gnathughadh. Ocus adubhrumar don chail gustrasda 14 go ndilighinn si bheith cosmail a céim ocus a foirm no a foirm amáin ocus gan a beith a céim oir mar aduburt ar tús go mbi nite íseal cosmail risin coimplex fuar oir is ní fuar gairtear on liaigh don nithe íseal ocus is cosmail in fuar ris in ní fuar ocus fós gach uile ní ina fuil betha is te e ocus is uime sin nach dlighear a tuigsin gurub cosmail risin corp ndaonda na neithi fuara acht na neithi fuara ísle ocus is neithi tesaighi sin  2/4 am bél in legha. In dara Caibidil do chaindigecht in bídh.

Caindigeact in bídh  15 .i. condlighear a chaitimh in tan tochluightear e oir adeir Arustotul16 in Epistula ad Alexandrum “Dum adhuc apetitus durat manum retrahe” .i. tarruing do lamh chugatt ocus in tochlughadh ar marthain agut. Ocus adir Auicina sa caibidil laburus d'follamhnughadh na neithedh itther ocus ibhter “Ita comede quod sint reliquie desiderii” .i. gurub amhlaidh caithfir fuighlech tochluighthi do beith agut oir is ferr na huaire d'imdughadh na in cainndigecht mór ocus is ferr began do caitimh fadhó na móran an én uair oir in biadh caithear an éinfhecht améidh móir ni héidir a dhileaghadh ocus seachrainughi brigh dileaghthach an gaili annsin ocus in sechran doniter sa chét dileaghadh in tan is mór e ni certaighter sa dara dileaghadh mar adeir comentator damasenus sa cét partegul sa seathadh comint dég ocus is uime sin nach oilenn se go dlistinach annsin ocus is ar in adhbur sin adeir Auicina sa treas leabhur nach fhásaidh na daoine ginacha. Et fós an biadh thosgaighes a méid andlistinaigh doní duinte ocus is cúis sin don mhorgadh 17 tre esbhuigh an indfhuartha 18 do réir Hali sa tres partegul do Thegni. Et is e is comurtha go caithind neach go leór in tan nach tig o caithem an bhídh méid and sa puls na loighett and san anail oir ni thegmhand so acht arson go cumhgaighind an gaile ar in sgairt ocus is uime sin bis an anail beg minic ocus do beir égintus innfhuartha in croidhi19 an puls do médughadh o nach bi anmfhaindi ar in mbrigh. Comhurthaighi eile gan claochlogh do beith ar in fual na ar in feradh ocus gan na hindedhi go háirighthi ypocondria  p.19 3/5 do righeadh ocus gan cuirrineacht na gaothmairecht na truimidecht na anmfainne do mothughadh ocus gan urlugadh na apititus caininus20 na tuitim tochluighthi do beith air na leisgi indtlechta acht go fétfadh stuider do dhenamh déis bídh mar do denadh roime acht amhain in tan tuitius an biadh ocus tinnsgnus dileaghadh do gabhail oir éirghitt na dhetaighi inmolta 21 in tan sin ocus donít codladh ocus toirmisgit an stuider. Et fós gan nem-codladh do beith air ocus gan blas an bídh d'fhaghbhail a cind aimsiri ar in mbrúchtaigh oir da mbiadh na neithi-si mar adubhrumuir foillsighter an biadh do bheith mesardha ina caindigeacht. Gidhegh dlighear an gnathughadh do coimet andso muna ro-olc e mar do cithfighter. Et adeirim mar in cétna don digh nach dlighind si beith an méidisin go mbeith an biadh ar snámh sa ghaili mar bis ag lucht na meisgi ocus is uime sin aní adeir drong gurub maith beith ar meisgi uair sa mhí is brég e mar foillsighius Auerois sa dara 22 partegul dona Cantichibh sa treas cantic dég ar fhithit mar an abair “Assensus ebrietatis simel in mense est erroneus” .i. as seachrannach aontughadh na meisg aon uair is in mí oir ge do na neithibh is mó tarbhaighius don tes nadurra an fín arna gabhail go mesardha is do na neithibh is mó urcoidighius dó ocus don incind ocus dona cétfadhuibh é in tan tosgaighius go himurcrach 23 ocus is uime sin adeir annsin gurub ferr uisgi na meala don droing ag ambit feithi anmfhanda 24 na e gidhegh féttar began d'fhín deghbalaidh do tabairt do na sen-daoinibh mar adeir annsin gidhegh adeir Auicina sa caibidil labrus d'fhollamhnughadh an uisgi ocus an fíona. “Pueris dare uinum est addere ignem igni in lignis debilibus” .i. is tine do cur a cenn tinedh a conadh anmfand fín do tabhairt dona macamhaibh. Gidhegh tabair go mesardha dona daoinibh óga e ocus don t'sendaoine an méid is áil lis maseadh is a méid moir is imchubhaidh 25 doibh e. Adeirim  3/6 condligher an méid is áil lis do tabairt dona tshenduine on thsendacht ocus is e sin an senduine mesardha thochluighes an méidh fhédus do dileaghadh ocus bis ina duine rodheisgribhidech. 26 Gidhegh an senduine on thsenordhacht 27 ni dlighear an méidhi sin do tabhairt dó oir bidh in drong sin dibenta 28 ocus bidh rabhaile orra ocus is beg a teas oir bidh mar lóchrand bis ullamh cum báidhti29 mar a deirur sa cét partegul d'amforismorum30 ocus is uime sin adeir Galen an sa partegul cétna a comint na canona-so “Potus indigenciam soluit, et cetera”. Is uime sin fiarfuighim 31 in roimh in chuit dlighear atabairt no ina diaigh ocus docíter nach roimpi oir adeir Auicina sa caibidil labhrus d'follamhnughadh an uisgi ocus an fína “Sapiens debet sibi prohibere ne ieinunus uinum bibat” .i. dlighi in duine égnaidhi a caomhna féin ar fhín d'ól ar cét longadh ocus ni dlighear a tabhairt déis na coda oir adeir Auicina sa caibidil cétna “Uinum post quodlibet omnium ciborum est malum” .i. is olc an fín tar éis gach uile bídh ocus adir a caibidil follamhnuighthi an neith itter ocus ibhter “Uinum post cibum est ex rebus magis impedientibus digestionem” .i. dona neithibh is mó toirmisgius an dileaghadh fín d'ól tar éis bídh arson co tabhair ar an mbiadh tolladh sul dileaghta e. Et ni himchubidh an fín ar in cuid do réir Auicina sa caibidil labhrus d'follamhnughadh a neithe itter ocus ibhter mar an abair “Oportet ut post comestionem bibat quis et non in hora comedendi” is hégin gurob tar éis an caithmhe ibhus nech deoch ocus nach an uair proindighti. Et adeir began roimhe sin “Non est bibendum donec cibus de stomaco descendat” .i. ni dlighear deoch dh'ól no go tuitinn an biadh is an ghaile. In opossitum .i. ata in gnathughadh coitchind ina aguidh so ag ól an fína ar in cuid ocus tara héis. Adeirim nach imchubidh  p.20  4/7 an fín roimh an cuid an aimsir na sláinti. Gidheadh is imchubidh e uair ann an aimsir na heslainti .i. in tan is mó is egail uireasbhaidh na bríghi na urchoid an fína mar is folluis isin t'singcoipis 32 tig o anmhfainne na bríghi ocus adeirim gurub imcbubidh e in tan sin roimh in cuit ocus tar a héis. Ocus in tan doniter mar argamainti nach imchubaidh ar in cuid e adeirim do réir Auicina sa caibidil labhrus d'follamhnughadh an uisgi ocus an fína nach urcoidigheann dá bhriala 33 d'ól ar in cuid don nech do gnathuigh e ocus mar in cétna don duine shlán déis cuislindi. 34 Gidhegh dlighear an gnathughadh do coimeidh annso mad arrsaigh e muna fa ro-olc e 35 ocus dleghar a treigen in tan sin déis a céile ocus ni go hoband. Et iseadh tuigim trid in focul-so briala .i. misur ina tuillfedh oirett éndighe amain .i. an méidh do ghebadh nech gan claochlogh anala 36 .i. den anail gan coimhéigniughadh gan fostogh ainndeonach. Adeirim fós gurup olc an fín déis gach uile bídh acht tar éis an bídh do beith dileaghta ocus athuitme acht a caninus apititus mar an dlighear neithi meithi do tabhairt ar tús ocus fín aindsein ocus is dlighi leighis sin. Gidhedh ni himchubaidh an fín déis bídh onginter droch leann na roimhe na in tan caither e mar adeir Auicina san inadh cétna 37 oir do bhir ar in droch linn sin tolladh cum foirimill an chuirp ocus is uime sin thsheacranaoid an drong lerbáil fín d'ól déis nan droch biadh dan dileaghadh oir imighi roimh in ndileaghadh ocus tromaighi an corp is uime sin adeirim go cumair gu féttar an fín do tabairt a méid big déis na coda ocus ni a caindighecht móir ocus a tabairt do nech do gnathuigh e ocus do neach déis cuislindi ocus gan a tabairt do neach eile acht an aimsir tharta móir ocus is na cásaibh eile curtur sa caibidil labrus d'follamhnughadh an uisgi ocus an fína. Et in tan adeir nach imchubidh an fín ar in cuitt adeirim  4/8 gurob mar so dlighear briathra Auicina do tuigsin in tan adeir gurub tar éis na coda 38 dlighear an deoch d'ól ocus nach uirri .i. gurub tar éis thsluigthi an grema ocus nach e trath ata sa bél dlighear a h'ól no nogan imurcraigh dh'ól in tan caithius biadh ocus is ris sin adeir Auicina caindighecht. Is tarbhach don biadh nach dlighind nech d'ól ar in cuitt acht ni do beradh siubhal ar an mbiadh no gan ni do beradh siubhal ro-obond air d'ól no do denadh dealughadh atturra ocus an gaile no do beradh ar snámh e. Gídhegh féttur began d'ól daéis indus go mbiadh an biadh arna comusg ocus arna timprail gu maith ocus gan fundamint 39 romór do denamh ocus gan móran do ól as a háithle acht na huaire d'imdughadh ocus gan an caindighecht continoidech 40 do médughadh. Et is uime sin adeirim go fuilit tri deocha and 41 .i. Potus alteratiuus .i. deoch claochluightech ocus Potus permixtinus .i. deoch cumuisgthech ocus Potus delatiuus deoch imairctech. An deoch claochluightech is roim an mbiadh is imchubidh i mar ataid na sirioipighi ocus na deocha leighis, ocus an deoch cumuisgtech is ar an cuid dlighear i ocus began do caithemh ocus began dól indus conderntar an cumusc dlistinech. An deoch imairctech, umorro, tar éis na coda ocus ar ndenamh an dileaghtha ocus ar dtuitim an bídh as a gaile dlighear i no in tan bhes ag a fágbhail. Et is uíme sin adeir Auerois sa dara partegul do na cantigibh sa naoimheadh comint fithed mar coisgius an t-uisge doirtter a croccan fhiuchach afiuchadh in t-uisgi no an deoch curthar acend an bídh bhis ag a dileaghadh sa gaile coisgidh an dileagha ocus is uime sin nach maith móran dól tar éis na coda no co mbia in dileagha imslan sa gaile. Acht is tarbhach cum an dileaghtha tart d'fhulang déis  p.21 5/9 na coda gidhedh ni héidir caindighecht na neithead is intabhurta 42 d'foillsiughadh o leitreachuibh cindti mar a deir Galen sa treas partegul do Megathegni maseadh dentur do réir mhesa bus fogus don fhírindi ocus daingnighter do réir dherbhtha ocus gnathuighthi e. In treas caibidil don Ord.

D'Órd in Dieta no Caithme in Bhidh 43 — is e so e .i. in tan éireochas neach sa mhaidin sínedh ar tús a lamha ocus a mhuinel ocus cuiredh aedaighi go glan uime ocus indarbadh ainnsein imurcracha in cét dileaghtha ocus in dara dileagha ocus in treas dileaghtha le seiledh ocus le himurcrachaib na sróna ocus na bráighedh oir is iad so imarcracha an treas dileaghtha ocus aindsein coimleadh an corp 44 da mbia aimsir imcubidh aige arson fhuighill an alluis ocus in luaithrigh bis air in croicind oir ata in croicinn poiremhail ocus tairngidh cuigi gach ní bis angar dó doréir Galen sa cét leabur de simplici medicina. Et aindsein círeadh a chend ocus indladh a lamha ocus a aighiadh a huisgi fhuar sa t'shamradh ocus a huisgi the sa geimhregh ocus nigheadh a shúili le huisghi arna congmhail sa bhél ocus arna theghadh and ocus ar tuma an méir tanuisti and oir indurbidh sin tursgar na súl 45 ocus glanaidh iat. Et coimleadh aindhsein a fhiacla le duille urcuill isin t'samhradh ocus le croicinn an ubhaill buidhe sa geimhredh. Et aindsein aburadh a trátha muiri no a ní eili bhus dúthracht lis. As a h'aithle sin denadh saothar ocus siubhal mesarrdha an inaduibh árda glana ocus ullmuigter a biadh indus congabha biadh a cét oir déis an thsaothair sin in tan tinnsgnus a thochlugadh go nadurdha ocus na gabhadh roimhe ocus na cuireadh afaill46 oir adeir Auicina sa caibidil labhrus do ní ithter ocus ibhter go  5/10 tabair fulang ocaruis tar a gnathughadh an gaili do línadh do lenduibh morguighthi 47 ocus tic in tan sin línadh tadhbais o lind ruadh 48 arna tarruing cum béil an ghaili indus nach éidir an biadh do caithim lis in thochlugadh ainmhidhe 49 ge madh áil e ocus ni dligheann neach a sháith do caitimh mar adubhramar roimhainn ocus ni dlighinn acht énbhiadh do caithimh ar aon bórd oir adeir Auicina san inadh th'shuas “Nichil deterius quam cibaria multiplicare et in eis temporibus prolongare” 50 .i. ni fuil ní is measa na na biadha d'imdhughadh ocus aimsir d'faidiughadh ag a caithimh ocus is uime sin adeir an deiradh caibidilech de regimine cibi gur leór lis na sendaoinibh feoil amhain do caithimh sa maidin ocus aran amhain ar a suiper ocus ni gabdhaois biadha examhla an éinfheacht 51. Gidhedh da caithter biadh imdha ar énchuid is ferr na neithi seimhe do tabairt ar tús ocus na neithi remhra ainnsein na a contrarda sin oir in tan caithter in biadh seimh déis an biadh remair diligher go luath e ocus ni dentar an biadh remhur ocus bidh se in tan sin ag iarraidh sligheadh amach ocus ni fhaghann on biadh remhar do beith an íchtar ocus tic de sin go comuisgter ris e ocus go truaillter uile iat. Gidheadh da mbeith a fhis ag neach in biadh do meadughadh 52 ris in ghaili do budh cóir oireat in méid is teó íchtar an ghaili na a uachtar do tabairt don biadh remhur ar tús. Gidhedh ni héidir no ni h'urusa sin do denamh ocus o nach féduruis cad is indenta 53 claon aleith na seimhe mar adir Auicina a caibidil leighis in quartana ocus sa dara partegul do Regimenta Acutorum. Item na gabhadh biadh omh ar  p.22  6/11 muin bídh leth bruithi. Et dlighear a fis uime sin go mbi in biadh a comnuighi sa corp sul dilighthar go himlan e sea huair dég mar adeir Aueroys sa dara partegul do na Canticibh ocus adeirar in cétna sa caibidil deighinuigh don tseiseadh leabhur do Colliget ge ataid naoi nuaire ag a radh a leabhraibh éigin ocus is brég sin oir is dóigh gurub e in sgribneoir fuair nuimir éigin sgribhtha ocus ni fitter catt í ocus do rinn e seachran ag sgribhadh ocus is sea huairi dég do dhlighfeadh beith and ocus is e a cúis sin oir adeir Auicina a caibidil de regimine cibi ocus Aueroes isna Canticibh gurub e is proindiughadh orduighthi 54 ann biadh do caithimh fa thrí sa dá la .i. fa dhó ládibh ocus einfecht lá eile 55 ocus dlighith sea huaire dég beith ittir gach dá uair dibh sin indus go roindfigter in dá lá nadurda ina fuilitt ocht nuaire ocus dá fithet go comtrom a trí rannuibh ocus is e a adhbur sin madho rindeadh sechran sa ló inarcaith fadhó go certuighter e arnamhárach ag caithimh énuair ocus e contrario oir gach olc do-niter on linadh leighisigh in folmughadh e ocus e contrario mar adeirar sa dara partegul d'Aforismormh. Gidhedh adeir Auicina sa treas leabur sa treas fén dég sa treas trachtadh ocus sa caibidil labrus do moille tuirlingha an bhiadh asa ghaili “Remanencia equalis cibi in stomacho et egressionis eius est illud quod est inter duodecim horas et uiginti duas” 56 .i. is i aimsir cuttroma anmhana in bídh isin gaili ocus a fhagbala dhó ambi ittir da uair dég ocus a dhó fithteat tre moilli oiprighthi na brighi dileaghthaighi 57 ocus is uime sin adeirim o theid an biadh go remar isin gaili gurub sia anus and na inaduibh 58 nan dileaghadh eili oir is seimhe in chilus na in t'aran ocus is uime sin is luath inntaighter a fuil deirg e ocus is luath indtaighter 59 fuil derg aros a póiribh nam ball ocus tic lis in radh so Auicina in biadh do dhileaghadh  6/12 isna ballaibh uili re sea huairibh dég ge teagmadh gan a cur a cosmailius go huilidhi riu risin fedh sin gidheadh anuidh uair and o anmhfainne an ghaile ocus o reimhe ocus o righne an bídh re ocht n-uairibh dég no ré fitit uair sa gaili mar is folluis a neimhdhileaghadh an gaili ocus in tan caithius nech biadha urchoideacha eigin anus uair and a póiribh an ghaili ré mí no ré ráithi mar do chuala o daoinib fírindecha gur sgeigheadur 60 bídh ocus leighes uair éigin sa cainndighecht ocus sa t'substaint mar gabattar iat mí roime sin. Tuilleadh eile dlighear d'foillsiughadh .i. nach imcubidh baindi ocus iasg ar én bórd na fín ocus baindi oir ullmuighit nech cum lúbra 61 ocus na gabhthur lictuairi 62 rotesaigi déis an bhídh go luath na énní diureticach oir truaillitt an biadh aga losgadh no aga chur ar siubhul go ro-luath ocus is ume sin is olc in drageta 63 do níter do maratrum ocus d'anís cona cosmuilibh go luath déis na coda oir is ferr cumsanadh ina sesamh no siubul ailginach do denamh déis in bídh mar a dubhuirt RufhusModicus incessus post prandium hoc est quod michi placet” .i. is mian lium-sa began siubhuil tar éis na coda gidheadh gluasacht mór do denamh deis in proindighthi do siubul no do marchuideacht 64 truaillidh in biadh ocus toirmisgidh an dileaghadh. As a haithli sin codladh go mesarrdha oir furtachtaighi sin in dileaghadh mar adeirur sa canoin-si “Uentres hieme et uere” gurub maith rena thuigsin a méd fhurtachtaighius in codladh in dileaghadh gidheadh is olc in codladh ocus in nemh-codladh téid tar modh amach 65 mar adeirur sa dara partegul d'Aforismorum ocus dentar e san oidhci oir adeir Ipocras sa cét partegul do PronosticorumSompnus naturalis est qui noctem non effugit et  p.23 7/13 diem non impedit” .i. is sin is codladh nadurda and in codladh nach sechnann in oidchi ocus nach toirmisgind in lá. Gidhegh do-nit daoine imdha lá don oidchi ag codladh sa ló ocus ina ndúsacht san oidchi ocus is ro-olc sin. Gidhegh dlighidh tu a fis gurub ar in taobh ndes dlighear codladh ar tús oir is mar sin is ferr do niter an dileaghadh arson nan ae do beith faoi in gaili 66 and ocus dilighur impog ar in taobh clé 67 as a háithli conach tairngter an biadh cum nan ae sul dilightur go himli e ocus impogh arís ar in taobh ndeas innus gu madh usaide tarrongtar an ní do dileaghadh sa ghaili cum nan ae ocus tuicter so o Auicina sa caibidil labrus d'follamnughadh aneith itter ocus ibter ocus isa caibidil labhrus don codladh ocus don nemh-codladh ocus adeir fós and sin go tabhair tindsgaint loighi ar in medon furtacht mór cum an dileaghtha arson go connmhann an tes nadurda ocus gu tachmaingind e gurub uime sin méduigter e. Gidhegh is olc codladh faon ocus is olc don radarc codladh go luath déis bídh ocus is olc fós codladh lae muna derntur angar do beith a suighi68 e ocus athaigh maith déis na coda ocus isin th'samradh ocus becan in tan sin fós ocus is uime sin adeir in fersaighteoir “Aut breuis aut nullus sit sompmus meridianus” .i. bith codladh in meadoin-lae gerr no na dentur e. Gideagh dan derntur roimh in cuit e dentur o mhaidin go teirt 69 do réir Ipocrais sa dara partegul do Pronosticorum. Et ingaibhter a dhenumh ocus in bél osluigthi ar egla droch aeir do dul asteach do toirmeosgadh in dileaghadh ocus bith in cend go hárd isin chodladh ocus cluthur le hédach go maith e 70 do réir Auicina ocus is ro-maith sin cum in dileaghtha. Item measruighter aicidigi na hanma 71 ocus is uime sin adeir in fersaightheoir “Sit tibi mens leta labor et moderata dieta” .i. bith menma tshuilbir  7/14 agat ocus diet mesurdha ocus déna saotar. Et is mór fhoghnus fothrugadh uisgi milis acht nach 72 bia biadh isin gaile. Et bith in suiper gerr no édrom muna bia in gnathughadh ina aighidh oir do leith in dileaghtha do niter isin codladh do budh ferr ni budh mhó do biadh do caithimh isin oidchi gidhegh o do-niter in codladh go ro-luath sul toitis an biadh 73 o bél in ghaili is uime sin is ro-mór urchoidighius móran in bidh san oidche don radhurc ocus is uime sin ataitt móran d'fersadhaibh ar an adhbar-sa “Nocturna cena fit stomaco maxima pena” .i. is mór an pian do goile super na h'oidhce “Si uis esse leuis sit tibi cena breuismadh áil let bheith édrum 74 bioth do shuiper co gerr ocus ata dá fersa ele ar an cétna 75Scena breuis uel cena leuis raro molesta” .i. is andam is athumulta 76 an suiper gearr no édrum. “Magna nocet medicina docet res est manefesta” 77 .i. teagasgaigh an ealadha leighis 78 ocus is raod fholluis con urcoididhinn an suiper mór. Tuilleadh fós “Sume cibum modice modico natura foueatur” .i. caith began bídh oir sástur in nadur o began. “Sic corpus refice ne mens ieiuna grauetur” gurub amlaidhi shásfaidhter an corp gan truime do bheith ar an menmuin on trégenus maseadh tabuir an biadh uait mar is tusga tochluighes an nadur e. Item indarbtur an fual ocus in feradh ocus na fastaighter ar én cor iad 79 tar an aimsir a san dtaighter an indharbadh oir do gendaois duinte 80 isna taobhaibh ocus siansanach isna cluasaibh on gaothmuirecht ag impogh suas no cloch no ydoripis o chongbail au fuail. Sin duit a Eoin o Aodh O Cendainn81

 p.24 8/15

Nec minctum retinere uelis nech 82 cogere uentrem” .i. narub áil let th'fual do congmail na do meadhon d'éigniughadh .i. tar an aimsir ina beitter go maith e ocus is uime sin nach maith beith gu ro-fadha ar in camra na fásgadh éigneach do denamh ocus is uime sin is sea huaire is maith in fual do tabairt sa ló co n-oidchi83 oir is e sin in lá nadurda ocus in feradh fa dhó no fa thrí san aimsir cétna mar adeirit na ferrsadh so “In die minctura fit sexies naturali tempore bis tali uel ter sit egestio pura” .i. in cetruma caibidil don aimsir.

Don aimsir .i. dleghur aimsir na bliadhna do féchuin oir is cóir ni éigin do tabairt d'aire do leith na haoisi 84 ocus in fhuind ocus na h'aimsiri mar adeirur sa chéd partegul, d'Aforismorum. Maseadh taburtur biadh remur a méid móir sa gheimredh oir adirur san inadh cétna “Uentres hieme et uere calidissimi sunt natura” .i. ataid na cabain inmedhonach  85 ro-the do réir nadura sa geimredh ocus san errach ocus bidh in codladh ro-fhada gurb uime sin dlighear móran in bidh do tabuirt ocus ni dlighear na proinndighi do beith minic oi86 ni bfuil an tes gearr ann mar bis san tsamhradh acht mór do réir shínti tre imad na spirut. Gidhegh bidh in tes beg isin tsamradh a gabail thesa arson cuirp the nis sa mó do réir shínte an édluis 87 no in disgaoilti ocus ni do réir shínte na cainndighechta acht do réir áirde ocus dlighi an biadh bheith a claonadh cum 88 tesa an tan sin ocus is folluis as sin cred is inraidh re tes nan daoine óg ocus na macam.

San earrach, umorro, dlighear an biadh bheith mesurrdha 89 acht a claonadh cum méide bige arson an línta do rinnedh sa geimredh roimhe.

Sa tsamhradh, umorro, dlighi an biadh bheith seimh  8/16 ag dul a bfuaire ocus is seimh ina cainndighecht sin .i. began do tabhairt an éinecht de oir bidh substaint in tesa beg in tan sin arna cnaoi ocus arna disgaoileadh on tes foirimeallach ocus da tucaoi biad seimh ina shubstaint do loisgfidhe on tes teinntighe e ocus is uime sin adeir Galen sa canoinsí “Uentres hieme et cetera” go téid an tes a bfoirimill sa tsamradh a gabail luthgaire re na cosmailius gurub uime sin anbfuinnighter go hinnmeonach e. San bfoghmar, umorro, tabhair an biadh a gcainndighecht big ocus dlighi beith ag dul a tesoighecht ocus a bflichidacht ocus ataid fersadha air so “Quantum uis sume de mensa tempore brune” 90 caith an mhéid is áil leat don biadh an aimsir in geimridh. “Tempore sed ueris cibo moderate frueris” gnathaigh biadh go mesurrdha 91 an aimsir an erraich. “Et calor estatis dapibus nocet in moderatis 92” do ní tes an tsamraidh urchoid do na biadoibh mí-mesurrdha “Autumpni fructus extremos dant tibi luctus” do berid toirrthi an foghmhair caoinedh dermair duit.

In cuigeadh caibidil — d'uairib in proinnighthi. Is i uair in proinnighthi in tan bhis an t'ocarus fírinneach ann mar adubhrumar sa treas caibidil t'suas ocus is i uair is fearr sa tsamradh an uair is fuaire .i. roimh an teirt 93 ocus an uair na hespartan ocus is i uair an éigentuis 94 in tan is éider le nech biadh d'faghbhail ocus is uime sin adeir Galen in libro De regemine sanitatis nach eidir le nech 95 d'follamnacha na slainti do congmail acht a nech bes gan toirmisg o aon gnodugh  p.25 9/17 éigentach eile air ocus ag a mbeith a chuingill saor in gach énní. Sa geimhredh, umorro, toghthar in uair bhus teo ocus mar an cétna don errach ocus don foghmhar óir rannchuidid ris in samradh ocus reis an geimhredh oir as anns na rannuibh is nesa don tsamhradh dibh dlighid in uair bheith mar uair an tsamhraidh ocus is na rannoibh is nesa don geimredh toghthar in uair bhus teo mesurrda.

In seiseadha caibidil — don ghnathughadh 96. Dlegar gnathugh in dieta do congmail muna ba ro-olc e ocus madegh dlighear a treigen go mall ocus is uime sin in gnathughadh aontuighius leis na neithi nadurda dlighear a congmail ocus da tosgaigh e began uatha dlighear a chongmail fós. Gidegh mad mór in tosgaghadh dlighear a treorughadh tar a ais ocus ni go hobonn mar adubrumar. Gidhegh tabhradh lucht an droch fhollamhnuighthi anair riu oir gin gon airgid ar an lathair e aireochuid fós go maith mar adeir Auicina ocus is uime sin an drong adeir gur línadar iad fein do biadh go minic ocus nach derrna én urchoid doibh tabhradh an aire riu oir goirteochar iad óir da ndernadh dia dighultus in gach én pecadh a cét oir déis a dhénta ni bheith duine na bethaidh ocus mar ata in nadur uilidh 97 .i. dia is mar sin ata a náduir rannaighthi sa duine nach dénonn dighultus an cét uair acht a gcinn aimsire. Item bidh drong ann chaitheas nisa mó do thorrthuibh na do biadhaibh eile ocus is sechranach do níd sin oir do gach uile thoradh 98 fuil 9/18 uisgemail mítarbhach somorgtha. Gidheagh dlighear torrtha stipeghdha do chaithemh déis an bídh da mbia an medon lactach mar ataid péiredha ocus coctana ocus úbhla. Gidhedh lagaid na húbla rósdaighthi roim an chuid lucht lenna ruaidh 99 ocus istipeda 100 na húbla omha ocus ni comór ata gach gné dibh mar sin oir is lugha istipeda na húbla millsi ocus is mó na húbla goirti. Na bolais, umorro, ocus na risineadha ocus na figedha is roim in cuid dlighur an gabhail mar adeir Ysaac101 In dietis particularibus. Gidhedh ata in gnathughadh coitcind ina aighidh so gu h'olc oir donit so duinti ona meithi ocus is uime sin dlighear a caithimh maille sinnsir oir cathaighidh re gach uili truailleadh tic ona toirthibh do réir Auicina. Gidhedh is ferr na toirrthi uile do tregin ocus is uime sin innisis Galen a leabur follamhnaighti na slainti go raibhi a athair fén cét bliadhan ina bhethaidh arson nar chaith toirrthi. Item, bidh drong ann le nab inmain irboill nan ainmintigh nisa mó na an chuid ele ocus drong ele a gcinn ocus drong ele a a gcnamha 102 ocus mar sin do na ballaibh ele. Ocus is uime sin adeir an fersa-so “'Pisces et mulieres sunt in caudis meliores uel dulciores” 103 is inan errannaibh is ferr no is millsi na héisg ocus na mná ocus ni bfuil ann sin ac gurub lugha is fuar in tiasg inanerr arson in gluasachta na sa cuid eile dhe. Gidhedh is usa na boill eile do dileaghadh.  p.26 10/19 mur is folluis do tharr in bradain 104 ocus da cosmailibh. Gidhedh is i in cuid is mó bis ar gluasacht 105 is lugha imurcacha ocus is uime sin is i is ferr isna hainminnthibh caithid na daine da mbia cudrumacht ria isna neithibh eli. Maseadh toghtar in cuidh is maeithi ocus bis ar gluasacht hegin 106 ocus bus fearr blas oir is e in ní is fearr blas is ferr oilus da mbia cudrumacht eli ann. Gidhedh adeir in fersa “Non ualet in iecore quod dulce scit in oire” .i. ni maith is na haeibh in ní is milis isin bel. Ocus is don milsi aenda tuighter sin 107. Gidhedh adeirim do na cnoib and so nach fuil etir 108 na huili toradh déis na fígeadh ocus na rísinedh toradh is ferr na iad ocus is uime sin adeir in fersa “Dic auellanas epati semper fore sanas” .i. abair gurab fallain na cnó do sír do na haeibh. Tuilleadh eli, adeirim .i. an drong ler b'áil coimriachtachain do gnathughadh 109 nach dlighid a denam ocus a meadhon lán ach ar críchnughadh in cét dileaghtha ocus in dara dileaghtha ocus leithi in treas dileaghtha ocus gana a denumh go minic oir anmfainnighi sin go mór an gaili ocus in corp uili ocus is ro-mór urcoidighius don radhurc oir cuiridh na súile an doimne ro-móir  10/20 go follus. Don cuislind, umorro 110, dlighear a fis nach maith a ro-gnathughadh oir adeir Auicina111 a caibidil na cuislinne co cúisighind an cuislinn ro-minic aphoplexia 112 ocus adeir Galen sa naoimeadh leabhur do Meghathegni113Minucio ceteris euacuacionibus uirtuti maiorem debilitatem infertis e folmughadh na cuislinde 114 is mó anmfainnighius an brígh do na huilidh fholmughadh ocus as se adhbhur sin gurob mó is cara don nádur fuil derg 115 naid leanda ele ocus is uime sin is e a folmughadh in tan is imurcach e 116 is mó anbhainnighius muna bia an duine óg ocus complex fola deirge 117 aige ocus e a cumsanadh ocus a gnathughadh dh'feoil ocus do biadhuibh eile oilius go maith oir dlighitt sin ar egla squinancia ocus nescoidedh inmedonach 118 cuisli do leigen nis minica na nech eile. Et dlighear riaghail do bir Damasenus sa dara partegul do Afoirismorum fein sa naoimeadh comint ocus dá fithett 119 do congmail .i. mad do gnathuigh nech ina oige cuisli do ligen fa cheithir sa bliadhain nach dlighind a ligen acht fa thrí acind a dara fithett bliadhan ocus én uair amhain acind a tri fithitt bliadhan ocus o chind a deich ocus trí fithitt no ceathra fithitt bliadhan gan a ligen go huilidhi. Gidhedh as i mediana dlighear do ligen acind tri fithitt bliadhan ocus basilica acind dá fithett bliadhan oir ni cóir cefalica  p.27 11/21 do ligen ochind dá fithett bliadhan amach oir dallaidh sin nech ocus truaillidh in cuimhne. Uair toghnidhi na bliadhna 120, umorro, cum na cuislidhi .i. in t'errach ocus in foghmur. Gidhedh is i cuisle an erruigh is ferr and oir ni fuil én-ní coimedus nech ar eslaintibh in t'samhruigh mar do ní cuisli an erruigh 121 do réir Auicina. Gidheadh is an dá rannuibh fhodhailter aimsir na bliadhna uili do réir na tuathadh .i. a samrad ocus an geimhredh. Et ni dleghar in cuisli do ligen an aimsir ro-fuair na ro-the ocus is uime sin is coithcenn tshechranuighius in drong ler b'áil cuisli do ligen um Féil Stefain ocus 122 um Fhéil Eoin Baisti tre fhuaire aimsiri dib ocus tre tes na haimsiri eili acht go ligter uair and um Nodluig i do tesargadh ar na h'eslaintibh do gentaoi on línadh gnathuighid do denamh a coitcinne in tan sin.

Don taobh as an dlighear a ligen, 123 umorro, adeir in fersaigtheoir “Estas uer dextras autumpnus iempusque sinistras” .i. na lamha desa san errach ocus sa tsamradh ocus na lamha clé san fogmhur ocus sa geimredh ocus adeir fós do leith in ré 124 mar so “Luna uetus ueteres iuuenes noua luna requirit” .i. a ligen do na sean-daoinibh in tan is arrsuigh in ré ocus do na daoinibh óga in tan is nua e. Don diet d'áithli na cuislindi.  125 Dlighear a fhis co ndentur sechran mór and sin oir bit daoine ann ler b'áil móran d'ól ocus d'ithi in tan sin do geinemuin fhola arís maseadh cad far ligettur 126 i ocus is uime sin dlighitt began d'ól ocus d'ithi. Gidhedh dlighitt nis mó d'ól d'fhín an aithfeaghadh in begain bid 127 sin na mar do clechtattur oir 11/22 is usa línadh na dighe na línadh an bidh 128. Maseadh sechnadh cáisi in tan sin ocus feoil remhar ocus iasg sailti ocus toirrthi ocus ferg ocus gluasacht ocus na biodh go gar do theine ocus na denuid coimhriachtain 129 ocus na denuid acht super beg ocus is uime sin is maith an fersa so “Prima dies uene moderacio sit tibi sene” .i. bidh do shuiper mesarrdha an cét lá don chuislinn. Gidhegh is brégach na fersada eile churtar ar in gluasacht ocus ar in coimhriachtain ocus mad áil [] a fios ca huair thinnsgnuid aimsira na bliadhna do gabtur isna fersadhuibh-si iat “Uer petre detur estas et innde sequetur quam dabis urbano autumpnum simphoreano” .i. in t'errach a Féil Peaduir130 ocus in samhradh a Féil Urbanus ocus in fhoghmar a Féil Simphoreanus. 131Festum clementis iemis caput est orientis” .i. Féil Clemint ina cend do tinnsgaint an geimhrigh ocus is do réir nan astroluighedh-so 132 noch cuires na haimsira go cutroma ocus ni mar sin do na léghiubh acht gairit errach d'aimsir measurdha na bliadhna ocus mairidh sin uair and re mí ocus uair eili ni luigha ocus uair eili nis mó. An saimradh, umorro, aimsir ro-te e ocus infoghmhur uair and te ocus uair eili fuar fo examhlacht uairedh a laetheadh 133 ocus in geimredh ina aimsir ro-fhuair go huilidhi. Tuilleadh eili .i. dlighear a fis go comfurtachtaoidh na h'uighi ocus a caibhdel 134135 in drong bis déis cuislinn da mbia in gaili glan. Gidhedh da faghaid in soigtech nemh-glan truaillter ga ro-urusa iad ocus is amhlaid is follaine iat am briseadh an uisgi. Tuilleadh eili  p.28  12/23 bith a fis aghutt gurub i uair imcubidh caithme in potaitsi a tosach na coda ocus dentur e sa geimredh do cabhlan ocus do h'ocus 136 ocus do saith-si ocus do persillidh no do cennduibh geala losa arna mberbadh ocus arna fásgadh ocus a coimsuighedh le baindi almont 137.  138 Et adeirim gurub ro maith an t'órd 139 na h'almoint ocus a caitimh imlan mar bit no a croicind do buain dibh ocus a tabairt do na daoinibh da ligter cuisle ocus don droing bhis ar na cnaoi ocus do lucht na ptisisi 140. Sa tsamradh, umorro, is imcubidh potaitsi do borrsaitsi ocus do buglosa ocus do sail-cuaich ocus do mercurial ocus do spinarchia ocus do paciencia ocus do lactuca ocus do bharr fhineil ocus persilli cona cosmuilibh ocus is maith macoll do cur and da mbia in gaili fuar 141. An pís umorro, na caittir í acht maille cuimin ocus na caitter pónair na pís úr na arrsaidh acht maille saland ocus re cuimin ocus in drong ag am bia gaili annfann ocus gaothmairecht na caithid ar én cor iad. Gidhedh foghnuidh eanbruithi 142 na písi ocus do ni lagadh ocus na bit én raod da substaint and. Tuilleadh eili bith a fis agut gon urcoidigenn an baindi don gaili fuar ocus ni dénann don gaili the ocus is imcubidh do sin bainne goirt and sa tshamradh. An t'ím, umorro, caitir roimh na biadhuibh e ocus na caitter e déis dighi ocus na caitter uachtur baindi d'áithli in tshuiper na treamhanta oir is dúintech righin iat 143. 12/24 Dlighear afhis fós gurub mór urcoidigid na neithi omha mar ataid na hóisreaghdha 144 ocus na neithi leat omha mar ataid na h'éin do niter do droch rósdadh ocus is uime sin is beg nach let don dileaghadh go hinmeadonach cogaint maith in bídh 145 ocus a róstadh go maith ocus gu himlán no a beirbadh go foirimillach ocus is uime sin thsechranaoid in drong caithis biadh go ro-tindisnech oir caithid uair and neithi uircoideaca sul do biritt daniri iad 146.

In Sechtmadh caibidil don aois ocus don coimplex. 147 In aois ocus in coimplex is beag nach le neithibh cosmaili follamhnuighter iat. Gidhegh is mó dileaghaid na daoine óga na neithi remhra ocus na neithi cruaidi ocus na sen-daoine on tsendacht ocus na macaoimh 148 na neithi flicha .i. na neithi maotha no boga maseadh dlighidh an diet beit athnuaighitech ocus dlighitt beagan do caitimh go minic. Et dlighear lucht an sduideir d'follamhnuighedh mar na sen-daoinibh oir tirmuighi an sduideir iad. Maseadh caithid neithi seimhe do réir fulaing noch indtuighter go luath 149 a fuil ro-maith. Lucht an tsaothair, umorro, caithid neithi róstaigthi remra oir is iat sin is mó cathaighius ris in saothar oir ge flichi na neithi róstuighthi naid na neithi beirbtur an uisghi o fhlichigecht tsubstainntigh go h'inmeadonach. Gidheagh bit tirim go forimillach 150 ocus is daingne go huílidhi iad ocus is uime sin is decra an dealughadh on tes ocus trit sin is deacra an díleaghadh. Na neithi beirbtur  p.29 13/25 an aran bit fliuch ocus is maith iat. Gideadh is olc aran na pastae. 151 Et is riaghail forlethon co ndlighear an biadh lenus do na méruibh in tan taidhillter e 152 do shecna oir is righin e. Et ni maith na neithi róstuighthi connaimhter tar oidchi ocus cumdach orra naid na neithi ro-meithi ar deiredh na coda. In taibstinens measurdha is ro-árd in leighes e 153 ocus is uime sin a dubairt GalenCommedo ut uiuam non uiua ut commedam” .i. is cum beith am bethaigh caithim ocus ni cum caithme bim am betaigh. Gidhedh adeirur sa cét partegul d'Aforismorum “Senes facilime ferunt ieunium” .i. is ro-urusa lis na sen-daoinibh in tréiginus d'fhulang 154 ocus is iad na sen-daoine on arrsuigecht sin ocus ainnsein na daoine óga ocus aindsein na macaoim ocus ainnsein na sen-daoine on tsendacht. Et mar in cétna is leór ansacht 155 le lucht lenna fiond treighinus d'fulang ocus re lucht fola deirgi go hinmedonach ocus ni féduit lucht lenna ruaidh na lenna duibh a fulang. Gidhedh is ferr fuilngit lucht lenna duibh e na lucht lenna ruaigh oir is luigha in tes disgaoiles indtu 156 ocus is mó caithaighius a ní ar an gnimuighend. Et do cuir in fersaightheoir fersadha ar follamnughadh na slainti “Si uis incolumem si uis te redere sanum curas tolle graues irasci credere profanum” .i. mad áil let beith fallain cuir imsnimh trom dít ocus creit gurub dimaoin duit ferg do denamh.


Parce mero scenare caue nec sit tibi uamum pergere post epulas sompnum fuge meridianum” .i. coigill fíon ocus sechain suiper ocus nar bu dímaoin let céimniughadh déis na coda 157 ocus sechain codhladh in medoin-láe. “Non teneas minctum nec cogas fortiter anum” .i. na conaim ar th'fual ocus na héigingh go láidir do shuigi158. Et ataid fersadha eili ar in fín “Dat uinum purum tibi ter tria comoda primum” .i. ataid naoi socamhuil do beir in fíon glan duit 159. “Uires muiltiplicat et viscera plena relaxata” .i. imdaighi na brígha ocus lagaid na hinde línta. “Confortat stomacum ceribrum cor dat tibi letum” .i. nertaighi an gaili ocus in inchinn ocus do bir in croidhi subaltach ocus do ni dánacht ocus togairmigh an t'allus ocus geuraigi in t'indtlecht ocus do ni foirbhearteos 160 do na cáirdib. Gidhedh bit misur mailli ris conach truaillter a oipriugh oir teid an dimaoinus gach ní dibh so an égmais an misuir. Et o ibter an fíon uair and go deighinech bit an fersa so agut “Potus tarde datus multos facit cruciatus” .i. do-beir in deoch ibter go deiginech piana imda. Item, gnathaighter cainel go minic oir do bir an bél go deghbalaidh ocus foghnuidh an aghaidh in remafhuar ocus coimheduigh ar truailledh na leanna anntu ocus is uime sin adeirur “Non morietur homo commedens sepe  p.30 14/27 de cinamomo” .i. inté caithius cainel 161 go minic ni recha d'ég do truailledh na lendann oir toirmisgid e da mbia an follamhnughadh go maith o soin amach. Et dlighear a fis gon dligheand an t'uisgi beith glan ocus glantur an t'aer go h'ealadhanach le teine 162 maith muna faghtur glan gu nadurdha e. Et is lór so ge do fédfuighi moran eili do radh ann 163.


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Title statement

Title (uniform): Regimen Sanitatis

Title (extended): Based in part on the Rosa Anglica by John of Gaddesden

Editor: H. Cameron Gillies

Responsibility statement

Translated from Latin by: Cormac Mac Duinnshléibhe

Translated from Irish by: H. Cameron Gillies

Electronic edition compiled by: Ruth Murphy and Beatrix Färber

Funded by: University College, Cork and Professor Marianne McDonald via the CELT Project, formerly CURIA

Edition statement

2. Second draft.

Extent: 37610 words

Publication statement

Publisher: CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts: a project of University College, Cork

Address: College Road, Cork, Ireland — http://www.ucc.ie/celt

Date: 2002

Date: 2011

Distributor: CELT online at University College, Cork, Ireland.

CELT document ID: G600010

Availability: Available with prior consent of the CELT project for purposes of academic research and teaching only.

Source description

Manuscript sources for Irish text

  1. London, British Library, MS Add. 15582 , vellum, 62 folios; the text is on ff. 8ra1–14 va10. For a MS description see the online British Library Catalogue (http://molcat.bl.uk/msscat/); and Standish Hayes O'Grady, Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the British Museum, Vol. 1, London 1926, repr. 1992, 262–280.
  2. Dublin, National Library of Ireland, MS G 12, vellum, 86 pages; the text is on pp. 14–22. The MS was discovered after publication of Gillies' edition and is available digitally on the ISOS Project website (http://www.isos.dias.ie/); along with the description taken from Nessa Ní Sheaghdha's Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the Library of Ireland, Fasc. 1, Dublin 1967, 93–100.

Printed sources for Latin text

  • John of Gaddesden (1280?–1361) Rosa anglica practica medicinae. Pavia: Franciscus Girardengus and Joannes Antonius Birreta, 1492.

Selected secondary literature

  1. Carl Gottlob Kühn, Claudii Galenii opera omnia, (Lipsiae [Leipzig] 1821–33; repr. Hildesheim: Olms 1985).
  2. Oswald Cockayne (ed. & trans.), Leechdoms, wortcunning and starcraft of early England; being a collection of documents, for the most part never before printed, illustrating the history of science in this country before the Norman Conquest. 3 vols. (Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores, 35). 1864–1866.
  3. George Dock, 'Printed editions of the Rosa Anglica of John of Gaddesden', in: Janus 12 (1907) 425–435.
  4. Henry Patrick Cholmeley, John of Gaddesden and the Rosa Medicinae. Oxford 1912.
  5. Karl Sudhoff, 'Die pseudohippokratische Krankheitsprognostik nach dem Auftreten von Hautassschlägen, 'Secreta Hippocratis' oder 'Capsula Eburnea' genannt, Sudhoffs Archiv 9 (1915–16) 79–116.
  6. James J. Walsh, Medieval medicine. London: Black 1920.
  7. Charles Singer, 'The Herbal in Antiquity and its Transmission to Later Ages', Journal of Hellenic Studies 47 (1927), 1–52.
  8. John D. Comrie, History of Scottish medicine, London, Published for the Wellcome historical medical museum by Baillière, Tindall & Cox 1932. Available at: https://archive.org/details/b20457273M002.
  9. W. G. Lennox, 'John Gaddesden on epilepsy'. Annals of Medical History, 3rd ser., 1:3 (1939) 283–307.
  10. H. E. Sigerist, A History of Medicine, 2 vols. (London 1951–1961).
  11. Wilfrid Bonser, The Medical Background of Anglo-Saxon England: A Study in History, Psychology and Folklore. 1963.
  12. Erich Schöner, Das Viererschema in der antiken Humoralpathologie (Wiesbaden 1964).
  13. Charles Hugh Talbot, Medicine in Medieval England. London: Oldbourne 1967.
  14. D. Thomson, 'Gaelic learned orders and literati in medieval Scotland', Scottish Studies 12 (1968) 57–78.
  15. Huling E. Ussery, 'Chaucer's physician: medicine and literature in fourteenth-century England'. Tulane Studies in English 19. New Orleans: Tulane University Press 1971.
  16. Francis Shaw, S. J., 'Irish medical men and philosophers', in: Seven Centuries of Irish Learning, 1000–1700, ed. by Brian Ó Cuív (Cork: Mercier Press 1971) 94.
  17. Norman Capener, 'Chaucer and Doctor John of Gaddesden'. Annals of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 50 (1972) 283–300.
  18. Vivian Nutton, 'The chronology of Galen's early career', Classical Quarterly 23 (1973) 158–171.
  19. Owsei Temkin, Galenism. Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy (Ithaca/London 1973).
  20. Stanley Rubin, Medieval English medicine. Newton Abbot: David and Charles 1974.
  21. Edward Grant (ed.), A source book in medieval science. Cambridge, Massachussetts, Harvard University Press 1974.
  22. Nessa Ní Shéaghda, 'Translations and Adaptations in Irish' (Statutory Lecture 1984, School of Celtic Studies), Dublin, Institute for Advanced Studies 1984.
  23. Peter Brain, Galen on bloodletting: A study of the origins, development and validity of his opinions, with a translation of three works (Cambridge 1986).
  24. Marilyn Deegan and D. G. Scragg (eds.), Medicine in early medieval England. Centre for Anglo-Saxon Studies, University of Manchester 1989.
  25. Nancy G. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine. London: Univ. of Chicago Press 1990.
  26. Aoibheann Nic Dhonnchadha, 'Irish medical manuscripts', Irish Pharmacy Journal 69/5 (May 1991) 201–2.
  27. Fridolf Kudlien and Richard J. Durling (edd), Galen's Method of Healing. Proceedings of the 1982 Galen Symposium (Studies in Ancient Medicine 1) (Leiden: Brill 1991).
  28. Sheila Campbell, Bert Hall, David Klausner (eds.), Health, disease and healing in medieval culture. (London: Macmillan 1992).
  29. M. L. Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine. Cambridge 1993.
  30. Margaret R. Schleissner (ed.), Manuscript sources of medieval medicine: a book of essays. New York: Garland 1995.
  31. Carol Rawcliffe, Medicine & society in later medieval England. [1066–1485] (Stroud: Alan Sutton Publications 1995).
  32. P. N. Singer, Galen. Selected Works. Translated with an introduction and commentary. (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1997).
  33. Faye Getz, Medicine in the English Middle Ages. (Princeton 1998).
  34. John Bannerman, The Beatons. A medical Kindred in the Classical Gaelic Tradition. [Paperback] (Edinburgh 1998).
  35. Mirko D. Grmek (ed.), Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1999).
  36. Jerry Stannard, Herbs and Herbalism in the Middle Ages and Renaissance; edited by Katherine E. Stannard and Richard Kay. (Aldershot 1999).
  37. Jerry Stannard, Pristina medicamenta: ancient and medieval botany; edited by Katherine E. Stannard and Richard Kay. (Aldershot 1999).
  38. D. R. Langslow, Medical Latin in the Roman Empire, (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2000).
  39. Fergus Kelly, 'Medicine and Early Irish Law', in: J. B. Lyons (ed.), Two thousand years of Irish medicine (Dublin 1999) 15–19. Reprinted in Irish Journal of Medical Science vol. 170 no. 1 (January–March 2001) 73–6.
  40. Aoibheann Nic Dhonnchadha, 'Medical writing in Irish', in: J. B. Lyons (ed.), Two thousand years of Irish medicine (Dublin 1999) 21–26. Published also in Irish Journal of Medical Science 169/3 (July-September 2000) 217–20 (available online at http://www.celt.dias.ie/gaeilge/staff/rcsi1.html).
  41. Helen M. Dingwall: A History of Scottish Medicine: Themes and Influences. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press 2003.
  42. Lea T. Olsan, 'Charms and prayers in medieval medical theory and practice', Social History of Medicine, 16/3 (2003). Oxford: Oxford University Press 2003. [A link to this article is available online on http://www3.oup.co.uk/sochis/hdb/Volume_16/Issue_03/].
  43. Aoibheann Nic Dhonnchadha, 'Eagarthóir, téacs agus lámhscríbhinní: Winifred Wulff agus an Rosa Anglica', in: Ruairí Ó hUiginn (ed.), Oidhreacht na lámhscríbhinní. Léachtaí Cholm Cille 34 (Maigh Nuad 2004) 105–47.
  44. Vivian Nutton, Ancient Medicine (London 2004).
  45. Wolfram Schmitt, Medizinische Lebenskunst: Gesundheitslehre und Gesundheitsregimen im Mittelalter (Berlin 2013).

The edition used in the digital edition

Gillies, H. Cameron, ed. (1911). Regimen Sanitatis: The Rule of Health, A Gaelic medical Manuscript of the early sixteenth Century or perhaps older from the Vade Mecum of the famous Macbeaths, physicians to the Lords of the Isles and the Kings of Scotland for several centuries‍. 1st ed. 82 pp. + 15 photographic MS reproductions. Glasgow: Robert Maclehose & Co. Ltd.; University Press.

You can add this reference to your bibliographic database by copying or downloading the following:

  title 	 = {Regimen Sanitatis: The Rule of Health, A Gaelic medical Manuscript of the early sixteenth Century or perhaps older from the Vade Mecum of the famous Macbeaths, physicians to the Lords of the Isles and the Kings of Scotland for several centuries},
  editor 	 = {H. Cameron Gillies},
  edition 	 = {1},
  note 	 = {82 pp. + 15 photographic MS reproductions},
  publisher 	 = {Robert Maclehose \& Co. Ltd.; University Press},
  address 	 = {Glasgow},
  date 	 = {1911}


Encoding description

Project description: CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts

Sampling declarations

The present text represents pages 1–82 of the volume: Introduction 1-16; Plates [unnumbered] and Transliterated Texts: Regimen Sanitatis, 17.1-30.7; on cupping, 30.8-23; dosage symbols, 30.24; Capsula Eburnea, 30.25-z (with text continuing at col. 29.1-2, printed below plate [f. 15r]); definition of strangury, col. 29.3-5 (printed below plate [f. 15r]); Translations: Regimen Sanitatis, [31]-53.27; on cupping, 53.28-54.16; dosage symbols, 54.17; Capsula Eburnea, 54.18-55.9; definition of strangury, 55.10-12; Miscellaneous notes: to passage on cupping, 55.13-17; to Capsula Eburnea, 55.18-57.31; regarding note at Introduction [pp. 3.28-4.2], 57.32-58.z; Main notes: to Regimen Sanitatis, 59-81.17; to passage on cupping, 81.18-21; to Capsula Eburnea, 81.22-82.3; Further notes 82.4–z. Notes are integrated into the electronic text as footnotes, including a reading by Standish Hayes O'Grady. The column numbering is taken from the printed edition.

As Professor Aoibheann Nic Dhonnchadh points out, 'Gillies mentions the first post-script and the second post-script, viz. the tract on cupping, and the Capsula Eburnea. He translates the line on dosage but says no more about it [...] His 'post-scripts' comprise four independent texts, viz. [a] an anonymous treatise on cupping, f. 14va11-b3; [b] three dosage symbols, f. 14vb4; [c] Capsula Eburnea (incomplete), f. 14vb5-15ra2; [d] a definition of strangury [from Bernard of Gordon, 'Lilium medicine', bk 6.14], f. 15ra3-6.'

Editorial declarations

Correction: Text has been checked and proofread twice. All corrections and supplied text are tagged.

Normalization: The electronic text represents the edited text. Text supplied by the editor is marked sup resp="HCG". Where the transliteration in the electronic edition was edited for consistency's sake, this is tagged reg orig="", with the original retained in the orig attribute.

Quotation: Quotation marks are rendered q.

Hyphenation: Soft hyphens are silently removed. Words containing a hard or soft hyphen crossing a page-break have been placed on the line on which they start. Notae augentes -sa, -se, -si have been hyphenated off.

Segmentation: div0=the tract; div1=the text; paragraphs and page-breaks are marked; milestones are marked mls unit="MS page/column" n="n/n". The foreword and the introductions are contained in the front matter, outside the div0.

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Profile description

Creation: This version was copied by Aodh Ó Cendamhain from earlier materials.

Date: 1563

Language usage

  • The text is in Early Modern Irish. (ga)
  • Foreword, introduction and footnotes are in English. (en)
  • Many words and phrases and excerpts from poetry in Latin. (la)
  • A few words in Greek. (gr)
  • A few words in French. (fr)
  • A few words in Breton. (br)
  • A few words in Cornish. (co)
  • A few words in Welsh. (cy)
  • Some words of unclear origin. (unclear)

Keywords: medical; regimen sanitatis; prose; didactic; medieval; scholarship; adaptation; translation

Revision description

(Most recent first)

  1. 2020-02-14: Minor changes to header and content encoding. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  2. 2018-04-19: Note 135 on the word caibhdel, 'custard' added. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  3. 2011-10-15: Additions to bibliography made. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  4. 2011-07-23: Additions to bibliography made. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  5. 2010-04-26: Conversion script run; encoding of personal names, dates, and titles improved; new wordcount made; file parsed. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  6. 2008-10-15: Header updated. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  7. 2008-09-01: Keywords added, file validated. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  8. 2008-07-27: Value of div0 "type" attribute modified, content of 'langUsage' revised; more markup applied to annotations, minor modifications made to header. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  9. 2005-08-25: Normalised language codes and edited langUsage for XML conversion (ed. Julianne Nyhan)
  10. 2005-08-04T16:13:43+0100: Converted to XML (ed. Peter Flynn)
  11. 2003-01-22: Additions to header suggested by Aoibheann Nic Dhonnchadh, and foreword incorporated. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  12. 2002-08-27: Header constructed; second proofing of main text; more markup applied; footnotes integrated; file parsed. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
  13. 2002-06-18: First proofing of whole text; structural markup applied. (ed. Ruth Murphy)
  14. 2002-06-06: Data capture by scanning. (ed. Pádraig Bambury)

Postscriptum A

Nott let gu ruba sea hinduibh dlighear an adharc do cur maille fuiliughaidh. In cét inadh a clais cúil incinn ocus folmaighe si ona ballaibh ainmidhi ann sin ocus fóiridh tinneas in cind go háirighi ocus eslainti na súl ocus glantur (ocus) salchur na haighchi ocus do ní inadh na cuislinni ren aburtar sefalica. In dara inadh .i. itir in dá slinnen ocus folmaighe si ann sin ona ballaibh spirutalta ocus do ní comfhurtacht an disnía ocus an asma ocus an ortomia ocus do ní inadh na cuislinni renabur mediana. In treas inadh ar bunuibh in righthigh ocus folmaighe si ann sin ona lamhuibh ocus fóiridh in seregra bis inntu. In ceathramadh h'inadh itir na háirnibh ocus in leasrach ocus folmaighi si ann sin ona ballaibh oilemneacha ocus do ní inadh na cuislinni re nabur basilica. In cuigedh h'inadh ar lár na sliastadh anagaidh lipra ocus brotha na sliasadh ocus brotha in cuirp go huilidhi ocus ar galardha fuail mar ata stranguria ocus an agaidh gach uile eslainti da mbia is na ballaibh ichturuca. In seiseadh inadh .i. ar lár na colpad ocus folmuighi ona  14/28 cosaib and sin ocus do ní inadh na cuislinni renabur sofena ocus togairmidh in fuil místa.

* .i. unsa; * .i. dragma; * .i. sgruball.

PERITISIMUS OMNIUM rerum Ipocras et cetira .i. eochair gach uile eólais Ipocras164 ocus ro-urail eólus ocus aithi báis ocus betha nan uile corp dosgríbhadh in betha degindaigh ocus a cur a comhraigh leis fein ocus d'órdaigh a cur fona cinn san alucadh ar eagla na fellsamh ele d'fhaghail dirradais a ruine ocus secired a chroidhi.

Et a cinn móirain dh'aimsir 'na dhiaidh sin tainic in t'impir .i. sesar ocus ro-fhurail an uaigh ocus in t'allucadh d'oslucadh d'iarraigh indmuis .i. óir no leag no seod mbuadha. Et as e ní do frit and bogsa cumdaidh ocus do togbadh he ocus do hosluccad he ocus is e ní fuair and cairt ina roibe dirradus Ipocrais ocus do fhurail an t'ímpire a tabairt do liagac a cuirp ocus a colla fein ocus Amustosio a ainm an leagha do chídis na pubail dó ocus do leag an cairt ocus ar na tuigsin do foillsid don ímpire gurab e dirradus ipocrais do bi ann ocus tasgelta báis ocus bethid an cuirp daena. Et do labair Ipocras ar tús do comarib báis do leth an cind. Et do raghi do bia tinnus sa cheann ocus at a pull na sróna sin galur sin bás sa ceathramh la dhég ar fhithit. Item an neach ar a bidh frenisis  p.w/o number 29165da mbidh a gruadh dearg maille h'atcomlacht san aigid ocus re terc dileagtha sa ghaile ...

Stranguria interpretatur guttatim urine emissio .i. is edh is stranguria ann ionnarbadh an fhuail ina bhraonaibh ni beg sen Domhnall mic bethadh do scriobh so. 166


Translation A



REGIMEN SANITATIS EST TRIPLEX, that is, there are three aspects of the Regulation of the Health. Conseruatiuum, that is, guarding, or maintaining the healthy state; and Preseruatiuum, that is, fore-seeing; and Reductiuum, that is, guiding backwards restoration as Galen shows in the third Particle of his Tegni. Conseruatiuum to the healthy men, it is right. Preseruatiuum to those who are going into unhealth and to those of debility, it is a duty. And Reductiuum to such as are in illness, it is necessary. Nevertheless Seruatiuum is called Preseruatiuum sometimes as Hali says in the third Particle of his Tegni in the sixth Comment and ten and two twenties the fifty-sixth Comment. And yet I say that it is from things similar that the conservation is made, as is said in the same place, “Si uis conseruare crasim quam accepisti similia similibus offeras”, that is, if you wish the Complexion which thou hast taken to thee to be retained give things similar. And so, it is things similar altogether in degree and in form that should be given to the moderate abstemious body; and the body that declines by natural disposition away from moderation, things similar should be given to him according to form and not according to degree because of the desire disposition he has towards falling as Averrhoes says in the sixth book of Colleget. And if you say that inaction is not taken to him from the similars as Avicenna says in the chapter upon  1/2 the Signs or indications of the Complexion in the second Section of the first Book where he says that it is from tota species the members act upon the food, I say that it is from tota species of the member  p.32 the stomach that digestion is made and from the warmth heat as instrument as Averrhoes says in the fifth Book of Colleget regarding the stomach of the bird called Struccio, that more readily quickly is the time in which a big piece of iron is melted there from tota species than in the fire and so it is in this case. Or I say that similars take no effect in the things that are without life yet they may do well in the things in which there is life. Nevertheless the bodies which decline depart from moderation they should be regulated nourished by things similar according to form while they are in the moderation which is proper to them, and without being similar as regards degree, for the degree should be lower in the case of the food than in that of the body if given for its nourishment. And these people should be nourished with healing food, for it is with food that is really food the temperate Complexion should be nourished. “Uerbi gracia”, that is, Hali says in the third Particle of his Tegni commenting upon this text “Calidiora calidioribus, et cetera”, that it is necessary to cure the warm body or the body which departs from the equableness of its two degrees with things that are hot in the first degree. And these are called cold things, for the low heat is 'cold' in the mouth of the physician, and it is therefore that some say wrongly, understanding interpreting that text, that it is with cold things the hot bodies ought to be conserved, and that is a lie. Yet it may be prevented fore-seen or saved by things 2/3 with lower degree than the body desired to be preserved. Yet, nevertheless, the regulation or treatment which is called Reductio it is with cold things on the contrary side and in degree that it should be done carried out. Still it should be understood that it is with things hot and low that the hot bodies should be preserved, and the cold bodies with cold and low things, and the dry bodies with things dry and low — et cetera. And it is evident that those of black humors of the Melancholic temperament should be regulated with things cold, dry and low; and these are hot, moist things and not singly  p.33 but in compensation for the Complexion of black humor as says Commentator the Damascene in the second Particle and in the fifth Comment and three twenties the sixty-fifth that the wine is hot and dry yet he says that it is hot and moist in compensation for black humors and so also I say in this case. And so also regarding the cold Complexion that it should be regulated with things cold, moist and low, and these are hot, dry and low things. Yet if a Complexion of white humors of phlegmatic temperament has fallen by a hurtful fall towards coldness and moistness it should be regulated treated by hot, dry and high things — and that is the guiding towards the contrary. Further, these things ought to be studied in order to preserve the health, namely, Appetite or disposition and Quantity of food and Order and Time of year and the Time or Hour of eating and Age and Habit. And we have said concerning the appetite lately that it should be similar in degree and in form or in form only and not so in degree for as was said at first that low things are similars to the cold Complexion because low hot things are called cold by the physician and the cold is a similar to the cold thing; and also everything in which there is life it is hot [to be so classed] and it is therefore it should not be understood that the cold things are not similars to the human body but that the cold low things are, and these are hot things  2/4 in the mouth of the physician.


The Quantity of the Food, that is, it should be eaten when it is desired, for Aristotle says in Epistula ad Alexandrum, “Dum adhuc apetitus durat manum retrahe”, that is withdraw thy hand towards thee and while the appetite is yet remaining with thee. And Avicenna says in the chapter which speaks of the regulation of the things to be eaten and drunken that is Concerning Food and DrinkIta comede quod sint reliquie  p.34 desiderii”, that is, you should so eat that you have a remnant of desire for more left, for it is better to multiply the times to have meals more often than a great quantity at one time. And it is better to eat a little in two times than a great deal at one time because the food that is eaten at one time in large quantity it cannot be digested and it will pervert the power of digestion of the stomach then, and the error perversion that is made in the first digestion if while it is great is not corrected in the second digestion as Commentor Damasenus says in the first Particle in the sixteenth Comment. And it is therefore that it does not nourish dutifully then. And it is for that reason that Avicenna says in the third Book that the greedy men will not grow. And also the food that is taken in unreasonable quantity it will cause constriction and that is a cause of corruption through the absence of coolness, according to Hali in the third Particle of his Tegni. And it is the sign that a person has eaten enough that there comes not from the eating of the meal any increase of the pulse or diminution in the breathing, for this will not happen but because the stomach closes presses upon the diaphragm, and it is therefore because of that the breath is small and frequent, and the need for coolness of the heart causes the pulse to increase, since there is no weakening of upon the strength. Other signs are that there is no change upon the appearance of the urine nor upon the motions and upon the bowels particularly that hypocondria  3/5 is not reached caused and without suffering cramps or flatulence or heaviness or weakness faintness and without sickness desire to vomit or apititus caninus dog-appetite nor falling failing of desire for food to be upon him nor laziness of mind, but that he can study after a meal as he did before it, but alone indeed while the food falls and the digestion begins, because the offensive unpraisable fumes then arise and they cause sleep and prevent study. And further he should be without sleeplessness and he should not have the taste of the food when he eructates — for if these are as we have said it shows that the  p.35 food has been moderate in quantity. Yet the habit ought to be considered here, if it is not very bad, as may be seen. And I say also regarding the drink that it should not be in that quantity that the food is a-swim in the stomach as the case is with drunkards. And it is therefore that the thing which some say that it is well to get drunk once a month is a lie, as Averrhoes shows in the second Particle of the Canticles in the third Canticle and ten over twenty the thirty-third where he says “assensus ebrietatis simel in mense est erroneus”, that is, it is wrong to agree to the drunkenness one time in the month, for, though of the things which more benefit the natural heat it is the wine taken in moderation and of the things that do it harm to the natural heat and to the brain and to the senses it is it, when it is taken in excess; and it is therefore he says there that the water of honey is better for those who have weak nerves, than it the wine. Yet nevertheless a little wine may give comfort to the old men as he says there in that place. Yet Avicenna says in the chapter which speaks of the regulation of the water and the wine “Pueris dare uinum est addere ignem igni in lignis debilibus”, that is, it is like putting fire upon the head of fire on weakly wood to give wine to youths. Nevertheless give it in moderation to the young men, and to the old man in the quantity he wishes; indeed they ought to have it in good quantity. I say that  3/6 the quantity he may desire should be given to the old man because of the agedness and that is the moderate old man who will desire as much only as he is able to digest and he is a very discreet man. And yet the old man from his very-agedness  167 he should not be given that much, for such people are exhausted and foolish and small is their heat for they are like a lamp ready to drown go out as is said in the first Particle of the Aphorisms and it is therefore that Galen says in the same Particle commenting upon this canon “Potus indigenciam soluit et cetera” it is therefore I ask I question is it before the meal it should be given or immediately after, and it will be seen that not before the meal for  p.36 Avicenna says in the chapter which speaks of the regulation of the water and the wine “Sapiens debet sibi prohibere ne ieinunus uinum bibat”, that is, the wise man should spare himself from drinking wine upon first eating and it should not be given after the meal for Avicenna says in the same chapter “Uinum post quod libet omnium ciborum est malum”, that is, the wine is bad after every meal or, food; and he says in the chapter which regulates the thing eaten and drunken “Uinum post cibum est ex rebus magis impedientibus digestionenm”, that is, of the things which more greatly prevent the digestion is the wine drunk after food, because it makes the food bore pass out of the stomach before it is digested. And the wine upon the meal is not proper, according to Avicenna in the chapter which speaks of the regulation of the things eaten and drunken where he says “Oportet ut post comestionem bibat quis et non in hora comedendi” it is necessary that it is after the eating a person should drink a drink and not in the time of eating. And he says a little before that “Non est bibendum donec cibus de stomaco descendat”, that is, a drink should not be drunk until the food falls from the stomach. In opossitum, the common custom is against this, drinking the wine with the meal and after it. I say that it 4/7 is not right to take the wine before the meal in the time of health. Yet it is necessary sometimes in the time of illness, that is, when there is the greatest fear of the failure of the strength the wine will not hurt — as is evident in the syncope which comes from exhaustion weakness of strength. And I say that in that time in such a condition it is right to give it before the meal and after it. And when it is made as an argument given as a reason that it should not be given upon the meal I say, according to Avicenna in the chapter which speaks of the regulation of the water and the wine, that two briala drunk with the meal will not hurt the person who has made a custom of it, and so also to the healthy man after blood-letting. Nevertheless, the ordinary practice should be observed here if it is old or if it is not very bad, and it should be forsaken  p.37 given up at that time after each other gradually and not suddenly. And, this it is, that I understand through this word briala the measure so much as is taken in one drink only, that is, as much as a person can take without change of breath, that is, without straining the breath or stopping it unwillingly. I say also that the wine is bad after every food but after until the food is digested and has fallen, except in caninus apititus where tender things should be given first and then wine, and that is necessary treatment. Nevertheless, it is not right to take wine after food from which evil humors are generated or before or at the time of eating, as Avicenna says in the same place, for it causes that evil humor to penetrate towards the exterior parts of the body and it is therefore that such people err as would desire to drink wine after evil indigestible foods in order to digest them, for it the wine goes before the digestion and it makes the body heavy.

It is therefore I say, briefly, that the wine may be given in small quantity after the meal and not in great quantity, and that it should be given to a person accustomed to it and to a person after blood-letting — and not to give it to any other person except in time of great thirst and in the other cases put stated in the chapter which speaks of the regulation of the water and the wine. And when he says that the wine is not right with the food I say  4/8 that it is thus the words of Avicenna should be understood when he says that it is after the meal the drink should be drunk and not upon it, that is, that it is after the mouthful bite is swallowed and not while it is in the mouth that it should be drunk, for to drink while food is eaten causes a glut — and that is what Avicenna calls quantity. The food is more effectual more nourishing by that a person should not drink upon the meal anything that puts the food in motion forces it forwards or anything that puts it too quickly in motion, otherwise it the food is separated from the stomach and it is put a-swim. Nevertheless a little may be drunk after the meal so that the food may be co-mixed and stirred about  p.38 well, and without making any very great fundament and without drinking to excess after it but rather to increase the number of times of eating, and without increasing the ordinary quantity. And it is therefore I say that there are three kinds of drinks, that is, Potus alteratiuus, that is, the alterative drink, and Potus permixtinus that is the co-mixed drink, and Potus delatiuus wash-away drink. The alterative drink, it is before the food it should be taken — such as are the syrops and the heating drinks. The co-mixed drink, it is upon the meal it should be used, a little being eaten and then a little drunk, so that the proper mixing is made. The wash-away drink, furthermore, after the meal, upon the making of the digestion after digestion, and after the falling of the food out of the stomach, it should be taken — or in the time the food is leaving it the stomach. And it is therefore that Averrhoes says in the second particle of the Canticles in the ninth Comment and twenty, as the water which is poured into a boiling vessel stops the boiling so the water or the drink that is put at the end of the food which is being digested in the stomach it will prevent the digestion and it is therefore that not much should be drunk after the meal until the digestion is completed in the stomach. But it is effectual towards the digestion to bear thirst after of  5/9 the meal. Nevertheless it is not possible to declare the quantity of the desirable the give-able things from proved writings as Galen says in the third Particle of his Megathegni, yet let it be done according to the judgment that is near the truth and let it be confirmed according to proofs experience and practice.


Of the Order of Diet or the Eating of Food. This is it, that is, when a person rises in the morning let him stretch first his hands arms and his chest and let him put clean clothes on and let him then expel the superfluities of the first digestion and of the second digestion and of the third digestion by the  p.39 mucus and superfluities of the nose and of the chest for these are the superfluities of the third digestion and then let him rub the body if he has proper time because of the remnants of sweat and of dust which are on the skin, for the skin is porous and it will draw towards it everything that is near it according to Galen in the first Book of Simplici Medicina. And then let him comb his head and wash his hands and his face out of cold water in the summer and out of hot water in the winter and let him wash his eyes with water which has been held in the mouth and warmed there, dipping his second finger in it, for that will drive away the veils of the eyes and it will cleanse them. And let him then rub his teeth with the leaf of the melon in the summer and with the skin of the yellow apple in the winter. And then let him say his Hail Mary or any other similar thing which he may desire. After that let him, make effort exercise and moderate walking in high elevated clean places and let his food be prepared so that he may take food the first time after that exercise what time desire begins naturally. And let him not take it the food before it the desire and let him not delay beyond the desire for Avicenna says in the chapter which speaks of the things eaten and drunken  5/10 that the endurance of hunger beyond habit over the usual time causes the stomach to fill from corrupt humors and there comes then a heavy fullness of red humors, drawn towards the mouth of the stomach so that the food cannot be eaten by natural desire healthy appetite though he should wish it. And a person should not eat to satiety as we have said before and only one food should be eaten at the one table that is at one time for Avicenna says in the above-mentioned place “Nichil deterius quam cibaria multiplicare et in eis temporibus prolongare”, that is, there is nothing worse than to eat too many different foods at one time and to prolong the time of eating, and it, is therefore that he says in the end of the chapter De regimine cibi that it sufficient for the old men to eat flesh-meat alone in the morning and bread only at  p.40 their supper, and let them not take immoderate or exceptional foods at any one time. Nevertheless if several kinds of food be eaten at one meal it is better to give the mild things first and the fat things then afterwards or the contrary of that; for when the mild food is eaten after the fat food it is quickly digested and the fat food is not, and it will be in that time seeking a way out and it cannot get it because the fat food is below; and it comes of that that the one is mixed with the other and they are all corrupted. Yet if one understood rightly how to equate the food to the stomach so much of the fat food should be given at first in proportion as the lower part of the stomach is warmer than the upper part. Yet it is not possible or not easy to do that and since you disregard what should be done incline towards the mildness the tender things as Avicenna says in the chapter upon The healing of Quartan fever in the second Particle of Regimenta Acutorum. Item, do not take raw food on  6/11 the top of half-cooked food. And it should be therefore understood that the food abides in the body before it is entirely digested sixteen hours as Averrhoes says in the second Particle of the Canticles and the same is said in the last chapter of the sixth Book of Colliget though nine hours are said in some books, and that is a lie, for it is possible that the scrivener found a certain number written and he did not know what it was and he made a mistake in the writing copying and it should be sixteen hours and the reason for that is because Avicenna says in the chapter De regimine cibi and Averrhoes in the Canticles that it is correct feeding to eat food three times in two days, that is, twice on some days and once on the other day. And sixteen hours should be between every two times of these that is, of taking food so that the two natural days in which there are eight hours and two twenties — 48 hours shall be divided levelly equally into three portions. And the reason for that is if a mistake was made in the day on which food, was eaten twice that it may be corrected on the morrow by eating only once, and e contrario  p.41 for every evil that is done by the filling the excess of the one day is cured by the emptiness of the next and e contrario as is said in the second Particle of the Aphorisms. Yet Avicenna says in the third Book and in the thirteenth Section and in the third Tract which speaks of the delay of the descent of the food out of the stomach “Remanencia equalis cibi in stomacho et egressionis eius est illud quod est inter duodecim horas et uiginti duas”, that is the usual time between the remaining from its arrival of the food in the stomach and its leaving is between twelve hours and forty through the slowness of the working of the digestive powers. And it is therefore I say that from the time fatty food goes into the stomach that it remains there six hours or in the places of the other digestions, for the chyle is tenderer than the bread and therefore it is quickly changed into red blood and red blood is quickly changed to rose in the pores of the members. And Avicenna comes with this remark namely the food digested  6/12 in all the members through sixteen hours so happening without being assimilated to them in that time. Still, from weakness of the stomach, and from the fatness and from the toughness of the food it will remain sometimes through as long as eighteen hours or through twenty hours as is shown in indigestion of the stomach, and when a person eats hurtful foods of some kind which remain sometimes in the pores of the stomach through a month or even through a quarter of a year as I have heard from truthful men that they vomited foods and medicine some times in the same quantity and substance as they were taken a month before then. Furthermore it needs be shown that milk and fish are not right on one table nor wine and milk for they predispose a person towards leprosy. And let not a very hot electuary be taken soon after food nor any one thing diuretic for they will pervert corrupt the food, burning it or putting it in motion too quickly. And it is therefore that the drageta made of Maratrum and of Anise and of the like is bad immediately after the meal. For it is better to rest standing or to make take  p.42 a gentle walk after the meal as Rufus says “Modicus incessus post prandium hoc est quod michi placet”, that is, it is agreeable to me an easy walk after the meal. Nevertheless to make great exertion after eating whether by walking or riding will corrupt the food and will prevent the digestion. But after that the meal take a moderate sleep as was said in this CanonUentres hieme et uere” that it is well to understand the extent to which the sleep helps the digestion. Still, the sleep and the non-sleep that goes beyond moderation is wrong, as is said in the second Particle of the Aphorisms; and let it be done in the night for Hippocrates says in the first Particle of the PrognosticsSompnus naturalis est qui noctem non effugit et  7/13 diem non impedit”, that is, the natural sleep which does not avoid the night and does not prevent the day. Nevertheless many men make day of the night; sleeping in the day and awake in the night — and that is very bad. Yet, you ought to know that it is on the right side you should at first sleep for it is so that digestion is better made because the livers are then under the stomach, and you should afterwards turn upon the left side so that the food is not drawn towards the livers before it is fully digested, and then again turn upon the right side so that the thing part which is digested in the stomach is more easily drawn towards the livers. And this may be learned from Avicenna in the chapter which speaks of the thing eaten and drunken and in the chapter that speaks of the sleep and of the sleeplessness. And he says there also that to begin by lying on the belly will give great help towards the digestion because the natural heat is retained and because it is surrounded and it is therefore it is increased. Still, a vain shallow sleep is bad and to sleep quickly after food is bad for the sight. And sleep of in the day is bad if it is not made in nearly a sitting position and that is good after the meal and in the summer but yet in that time, only a little. And it is therefore the versifier says “Aut breuis aut nullus sit sompnus meridianus”, that is, let the sleep of the middle of day be brief otherwise don't let it be  p.43 done. Nevertheless if it is done before the meal let it be done of a morning till sunrise according to Hippocrates in the second Particle of the Prognostics. And it should not be done and with the mouth open for fear that bad air may go in and prevent the digestion. And let the head be well raised in the sleep and let him be well covered with clothes — according to Avicenna — and that is very good for towards the digestion. ITEM, The diseases of the mind are here considered, and it is concerning this that the versifier says “Sit tibi mens leta labor et moderata dieta”, that is, have a cheerful mind  7/14 and moderate diet and take exercise. And greatly does bathing in sweet water suffice but that there is no food in the stomach. And let the supper be short or light unless the habit is against that; for regarding the digestion that is made during sleep it were better that not more or not a greater quantity were eaten at night: Yet as the sleep is made so very soon, before the food falls from the mouth of the stomach, it is therefore that too much food at night so greatly hurts the sight and it is therefore that there are many verses upon this matter on this cause. “Nocturna cena fit stomaco maxima pena”, that is, the supper of night is great pain to the stomach. “Si vis esse leuis sit tibi cena brevis” — if you wish to be light let your supper be short. And there are two other verses upon the same thing. “Scena breuis uel cena leuis raro molesta”, that is, it is rarely that the short or light supper is injurious. “Magna nocet medicina docet; res est manefesta”, that is, the healing art teaches and it is a clear thing manifest that the large supper hurts yet more. “Sume cibum modice modica natura foueatur”, that is, Eat but a little food, for nature is satisfied with from a little. “Sic corpus refice ne mens ieiuna grauetur” — it is so the body is known to be satisfied that the mind is not heavy not dull because of the abstinence from food [when it remains clear without food] and yet take the food from thee leave it off when the nature sooner demands it.

ITEM, let the urine and the faeces be voided expelled  p.44 and let them not for any one reason be retained beyond the time in which it is the habit to evacuate them, because they make constriction in the sides parts and singing in the ears from flatulence rising upwards antiperistalsis, or a stone in the bladder or hydropsy from the holding of the urine. That is for thee John from Hugh O'Cendainn.


Nec minctum retinere uelis nec cogere uentrem”, that is, do not desire to hold thy urine nor to force thy middle uentrem, that is, beyond the time in which it is right; and it is therefore that it is not well to be on the stool too long and not well to make forced squeezing. And it is therefore that the urine should be given passed six times in the day with the night for that is the whole natural day — and the evacuation of the bowel twice or thrice in the same time as these verses say. “In die minctura fit sexies naturali tempore bis tali uel ter sit egestio pura”.


Regarding the time, that is, the time of the year ought to be observed for something of heed should be given to the age and the country and the time as is said in the first Particle of the Aphorisms. And yet let fat food be given in full quantity in the winter because it is said in the same place “Uentres hieme et uere calidissimi sunt natura”, that is, the internal cavities are very hot by nature in the winter and in the spring, and the sleep will be very long. It is therefore that plenty food should be given and the times of eating should not be frequent for the heat is not short as in the summer but long great according to the extension through abundance of the spirits. Nevertheless the heat will be small in the summer taking warmth for the warm body more. “maior extensiue extensione raritatis sed non extensione quantitatis”. And the food should incline towards hotness in that time, and it is apparent from that what is well said regarding the heat of the young men and youth generally.

In the spring however the food should be moderate but  p.45 inclining towards a smaller quantity because of the fullness that was done in the previous winter.

Yet, in the summer the food should be mild  8/16 going into inclining towards coldness and that is means mild in quantity, that is, only a little should be given at one time for the substance the sum of the bodily heat will be small in that time being spent and dissipated because of the external heat. And if food mild in its substance is given it will be burned from the fiery heat. And it is therefore that Galen says in the CanonUentres hieme et cetera” that the heat will go external in the summer to co-rejoice with the similars and it is therefore it is weakened diminished internally.

In the autumn, again, give the food in small quantity and it should be inclined towards warmth and moistness, and there are verses upon this “Quantam uis sume de mensa tempore brune” eat the quantity you wish of food in the season of winter, “Tempore sed ueris cibo moderate frueris” but use food moderately in the season of spring, “Et calor estatis dapibus nocet inmoderatis” in summer evil is made comes of the immoderate foods. “Autumpni fructus extremos dant tibi luctus” the fruits of autumn will give thee sore weeping.


The time of eating the proper time is when there is true hunger as we have said in the third chapter above. And it is better in the summer to choose the time that is cooler, that is, before sunrise and at the time of vespers — in the evening. And the time of need when it is really necessary is the time in which food should be taken, and it is therefore that Galen says in libro De regemine sanitatis that no person should be compelled to observe the Rule of Health but the person who is not prevented from following it from any other compulsory  9/17 cause and who has his desire choice free in every one thing a man  p.46 who is thoroughly well. Yet, in the winter, let the time that is warmer be chosen and so also of the spring and of the autumn, for these warmer times are apportioned towards the summer and towards the winter, for it is in the portions that are nearer to the summer of them that the time should be like the time of summer and the portions which are nearer the winter let the time of moderate warmth be chosen.


The habit of diet should be maintained unless it is very bad unless it disagrees or is injurious and if it is so it ought to be departed from slowly not too quickly and therefore the habit which conforms with natural things should be maintained. And if it should depart only a little from them it should still be continued. Nevertheless if the departure from nature is great it should be directed back and yet not suddenly, as we have said. And yet let those of bad regulation habit take heed to themselves for though it does not show on their countenance even if the effect is not immediately apparent it will yet show later on very effectively — they shall feel it — as Avicenna says. And therefore, those who say that they can fill themselves often with food and that no hurt comes to them let them take heed to themselves for they shall be hurt; for if God took revenge upon every one sin the first time after it was committed that is immediately there would not be a single man in life, and as is all Nature, that is, God, it is so that Nature is ordered in man, that revenge restitution is not made the first time or immediately but after a season. Item, there are some people who eat more of fruits than of other foods, and they do so wrongly, for every fruit makes  9/18 a watery blood unprofitable innutritious and it is corrupted. Nevertheless astringent fruits should be eaten after food if the middle intestines is relaxed — as are pears and coctanas and apples. But the roasted apples before a meal will relax those of red humors of choleric temperament, and the  p.47 raw apples are more astringent and every kind of them is greatly so, for the sweet apples are less astringent, and the sour apples are more so. Yet the bullaces and the raisins and the figs it is before the meal they should be taken as Isaac says In Dietis particularibus. Nevertheless the common custom is against this badly for this causes constriction from the milder things and it is therefore that they should be eaten with ginger for this fights against every corruption which comes of the fruits — according to Avicenna. But it is better to avoid fruits altogether. And it is therefore that Galen tells in the book upon the Regulation of Health that his own father was a hundred years in his life lived a hundred years because he did not eat fruits. Item, there are some people who prefer the tails of beasts rather than the other parts, and other people prefer the heads and other people the bones — and so of the other parts. It is therefore that this verse says “Pisces et mulieres sunt in Caudis meliores uel dulciores” it is in their tails that the fishes and the wives are better or sweeter, but that only means that the fish is less cold in its tail than in the other parts of it because of its movement or activity. Nevertheless it is easier to digest the other parts as is manifest  10/19 regarding the belly of salmon and its like. Nevertheless, that part which is in greater motion is the part that has less superfluity that is less gross and it is therefore the better part of the animals which men eat, if all other things are equal. Therefore let the more tender part be chosen which has some motion and is of better taste, for the part that tastes best nourishes best — if other things are equal. And yet the verse says “Non ualet in iecore quod dulce est in oire”, that is, that thing is not good in the livers which is sweet in the mouth. And it is of simple single sweetness that is to be understood.

Nevertheless I say of the nuts here, that there is not among all the fruits, after the figs and the raisins, a any fruit that is better than them, and it is therefore the verse says “Dic auellanas epati semper fore sanas”, that is, say that the nuts are always healthy for the livers.


Furthermore I say, namely, that such as would desire to indulge in co-reaching should not do so with the middle stomach full but after the finishing of the first digestion and the second digestion and half of the third digestion, and I say that it should not be indulged in made often, for that greatly weakens the stomach and the whole body, and it hurts the sight very greatly for it puts the eyes into great depth it causes them to sink greatly  10/20 clearly.

Of the Blood-letting, indeed, it should be understood that it should not be over-practised, for Avicenna says in the chapter Of Blood-letting that the too frequent blood-letting causes apoplexy, and Galen says in the ninth chapter of his MegathegniMinucio ceteris euacuacionibus uirtuti maiorem debilitatem infert” the regulation or practice of blood-letting more greatly weakens the vitality of than all other practices, and the reason for that is that red blood is more akin to the nature of man than all other humors fluids. It is therefore that its practice in the time it is excessive most greatly weakens, unless the man is young and has a complexion of red blood has a ruddy complexion and he is resting and using of flesh meat and of other foods which nourish well for that condition demands that blood should be let more seldom less often for fear of Quinsy and internal ulcers — than would be the case in another person of different temperament. And the rule which Damascenus gives in his own Aphorisms in the second Particle and in the nine and fortieth Comment should be observed; that is, if a person in his youth practised to let blood four times a year it should only be let thrice in the year at the end of the fortieth year and once only at the end of sixty years, and after ten and three score or four score years it should not be let at all. Notwithstanding, it is the mediana vein that should be let at the end of sixty years and the basilica at the end of forty years for it is not right to let the cephalic vein  11/21 beyond the end of forty years at the outside, for that will blind a person and it will pervert the memory.


The chosen time of the year, indeed, for the blood-letting, that is, the spring and the autumn. But the blood-letting of the spring is the better, for there is not one thing which preserves a person against the diseases of summer as the blood-letting of the spring does, according to Avicenna. Yet it is in two portions the time of the whole year is divided according to the people, that is, the summer and the winter. And the blood-letting should not be in a very cold time nor in a very hot time. And it is therefore that those err who would wish to let blood about the feast of Stephen and about the feast of John Baptist through because of the coldness of the one time and through the heat of the other time. But it should some times be let about Christmas to save from the illnesses which come of the filling the excess accustomed to be done commonly in that season.

Concerning the side on which it should be let, indeed, the versifier says “Estas ver dextras, autumpnus iempusque sinistras”, that is, the right hands in the spring and in the summer, and the left hands in the autumn and in the winter. And he says also as regards the Moon thus, “Luna uetus ueteres iuuenes noua luna requirit”, that is it should be let for in the case of old men when the moon is old and to the young men when it is new.

Regarding the diet after blood-letting. It should be understood that great error is then often made, for there are men who would like to drink and to eat a great deal in that time to make the blood again which they have lost, and it is therefore that only a little should be drunken and eaten. Yet more of wine should be drunk in place of to make up for the less food then, or as they were accustomed to, 11/22 because it is easier to satisfy with drink than it is with food. Yet, avoid cheese in that time and fat flesh and salt fish and fruits and anger and exertion and be not close to a fire and do not make co-reaching and do not make but a small supper and it is therefore this verse is good “Prima dies uene moderacio sit tibi sene”, namely, let thy supper be moderate the first day of after  p.50 the blood-letting. Nevertheless the other verses are lying which would put one to activity and to exertion.

And if you wish to know what time begins the proper seasons of the year they are found in these verses “Uer petre detur estas et innde sequetur quam dabis urbano autumpnus simphoreano”, that is, the spring in at at the feast of Peter and the summer at the feast of Urban and the autumn at the feast of Simphorean. “Festum clementis iemis caput est orientis”, that is, the feast of Clement is the head of the beginning of winter. And this is according to the astrologers who always put the seasons to evenness who divide the seasons rigidly and not so the physicians but they call the moderate time of the year spring, and it lasts sometimes during a month, but one time it is less and another time more. The summer, indeed, it is a very hot season, and the autumn it is sometimes hot and another time cold according to different weather, and the winter is a very cold season altogether. Furthermore, namely, it should be understood that the eggs and their custard benefit such as are after blood-letting if the stomach is clean. Nevertheless, if they are got in an unclean vessel they are very easily fouled, and they are the more healthy if broken into water. Furthermore, you should know that the right time to eat this pottage is at the commencement of the meal; and it is made, in the winter, of 'kale' and of mallow and of sage and of parsley or of the white heads of leeks boiled and strained and mixed with milk of almonds. And I say that the almonds are an excellent fruit eaten whole, as they are, or with the skin taken off them, and given to the men who have had blood let and to those who are wasting and to those of phthisis. In the summer, indeed, a pottage of borage and of bugloss and of violet and of mercurial and of spinache and of patience and of lettuce and of the tops of fennel and parsley with the like — is proper, and it is well to put avens into it if the stomach is cold. The pea, however, should not be eaten except with cumin; and let not beans or peas be eaten new or old except with salt and cumin; and those  p.51 who have a weak stomach and flatulence let them not eat them for any reason. Nevertheless the soup of peas is good sufficient and it relaxes, but let there not be anything of the substance the solid part of the pea be left in the soup. Furthermore, understand that the milk greatly hurts the cold stomach and but it does not hurt the hot stomach, and for that the right thing is sour milk in the summer. The butter, indeed, let it be eaten before the foods, and let it not be eaten after a drink, and let not the top of milk, cream be eaten after the supper, or curds and whey for they are, constringent and tough.  12/24 It should be known also that great injury is caused by the raw things such as the oysters, and the things half raw as are the birds that are badly roasted, and it is therefore that good cooking of the food and well roasting and completely throughout is little less than half the work of the internal digestion — or, to boil it well externally; and it is therefore that, those err who eat too hurriedly or greedily for they sometimes eat hurtful things before they are brought to their attention before they notice it.


The Age and the Complexion — it is almost entirely by things similar that they are regulated nourished. Nevertheless, the young men will digest more of fat things and of hard things than the old men because of their agedness and the sons or youth generally the moist things, that is, the tender or soft things, for the diet should be renewing restorative and only a little should be eaten but that frequently. And those given to study should be nourished like old people, for the studying dries them; so let them eat tender things according to their sufferance as they can bear them so that their blood is replenished quickly and well. Those who labour, however, let them eat roasted fat things for these are the things that resist the waste of labour. For though the roasted things are moister  p.52 within than the things cooked upon water from the moistness of the substance inside, yet they are dry outside and they are altogether more solid, and it is therefore that they are difficult to separate from their heat and therefore they are the more difficult to digest. The things that are cooked  13/25 in bread they are moist and but they are good. Nevertheless the pastil bread is bad. And it is a very broad comprehensive rule that the food which adheres to the fingers when it is being touched should be avoided, for it is tough. And the roast things kept over night are not good even with a covering upon them, nor the very tender things at the end of the meal. The moderate abstinence is a very high treatment; and it is therefore that Galen said “Commedo ut uiuam non uiua ut commedam”, that is, it is to be in life that I eat and not for eating that I am in life. Yet, it is said in the first Particle of the AphorismsSenes facilime ferunt ieiunium, that is, the old men more easily bear emptiness”, and these are the old men from their agedness, and then the young men, and then the youths, and then the old men from their age. And so also those of cold humors fully enjoy to suffer emptiness hunger and those of middling red blood well-blooded people but those of red humors or of black humors cannot suffer it. And yet those of black humors bear it better than those of red humors for the heat is less which they set free within them, and they spend more upon the thing or work upon which they employ themselves they have less resistance. And the versifier has put made verses upon the regulation of health “Si vis incolumem si uis te redere sanum curas tolle graues irasci credere profanum”, that is, if you desire to be whole put heavy sorrow from thee and believe that it is vain foolish of thee to make anger.  13/26Parce mero scenare caue nec sit tibi uanum pergere post epulas sompum fuge meridianum”, that is, spare wine and avoid supper, and do not think it foolish to have a walk after the meal, and avoid the sleep of the middle-day. “Non teneas minctum nec cogas fortiter anum”, that is, do not retain thy urine and do not constrain too strongly thy seat. And there are other verses  p.53 upon the wine “Dat uinum purum tibi ter tria comoda primum” , that is, there are nine thrice three eases or comforts which the clean wine gives thee “Uires multiplicat et uiscera plena relaxata” that is it multiplies increases the strength and it relaxes the full intestines. “Confortat stomacum ceribrum cor dat tibi letum”, that is, it strengthens the stomach and the brain, and it will give thee the light heart, and it will make give boldness courage, and it will call forth the perspiration, and it will sharpen the intellect, and it will give assistance to the friends it will promote friendship. Yet let moderation be along with it so that its working efficacy may not be perverted, for all these good effects will be undone without the moderation. And because the wine is sometimes drunk finally, remember this verse “Potus tarde datus multos facit cruciatus, that is, the drink that is drunk finally will give thee many pains”. Item, let cinnamon be used frequently for it will bring the mouth to sweetness and it will suffice against the cold rheum, and it will prevent the corruption of the humors in them; and it is therefore it is said “Non moriet homo commedens sepe  14/27 de cinamomo”, that is, the person who eats cinnamon frequently will not go to his death from corruption of the humors for that is prevented if the nourishment regulation is well in other respects from that outwards. And it should be understood that the water must be clean, and the air is cleaned scientifically quickly by means of a good fire, if it is not found naturally clean. And this is sufficient though a great deal more might be said here.


Make a note that it is in six positions the horn should be put in bleeding cupping. The first position — in the furrow at the back of the head, and it will empty draw from the animal parts there, and it will relieve headache especially, and diseases of the eyes, and the filth of the night upon the eyes shall be cleansed, and it will serve or deplete the region of the vein called  p.54 Cephalic. The second position, namely, between the two shoulder-blades, and it will there draw from the spiritual parts, and it will comfort dyspnoea and the asthma and the ortomia and it does controls the area of the vein called Mediana. The third position, namely, on the roots of the forearm and it will draw from the hands and it will relieve the seregra that is in them. The fourth position between the kidneys and the buttock, and it will there draw from the organs of nutrition the nutritive parts and it influences the province of the vein called Basilic. The fifth position — on the flat of the hip, against the lipra and eruption of the hip and eruption of the whole body, and against urine disease, such as stranguria, and against every disease in the parts leading thereto. The sixth position, namely, upon the flat of the calf, and that will draw from  14/28 the feet, and it does the area of the vein called Saphenous, and it will call forth the monthly blood.

that is Ounce; that is Dragma; that is Scruple.

PERITISIMUS OMNIUM RERUM Hippocrates et cetira, that is, the key of all knowledge is Hippocrates, and he commanded that the knowledge and the prognostics of the death and the life of all human bodies should be written at the end of his life and that this should be placed along with himself in the coffin, and he ordered that it should be put under his head in the burial, for fear the other philosophers might get his Arcanum and the secret of his heart.

At the end of much time after that, the Emperor came, that is, Caesar; and he ordered the tomb to be opened — seeking treasure, that is, gold or gems or precious jewels. And the thing he found there was a shapen box which being lifted and opened what was found in it was a document on which was the Arcanum of Hippocrates. And the Emperor ordered it to be given to the physician of his own body and flesh and Amustosio was the name of the physician. He saw the people, and he read  p.55 the document, and having understood it he pointed out to the Emperor that it was the Arcanum of Hippocrates and the prognostics of death and of life to the human body. And Hippocrates spoke first of all regarding the signs of death pertaining to the Head, and he said if there is pain in the head and swelling of the nostrils that signifies death upon the fourteen and twentieth day 34th. Item, the person on whom there is Frenzy,  15/29 if his cheek is red flushed with his face puffed with defect of digestion in the stomach ...

Stranguria is to be interpreted as the emission of the urine in drops and that is not a trifling small matter. Donald MacBeath wrote this.

The first post-script beginning in Col. 27 would seem to be a personal MacBeath note based upon practical experience and observation — for I have not been able to trace its origin otherwise. It would seem also to be in the same handwriting as the text, so far.

The second post-script introduced by Peritisimus omnium rerum Ipocras is in a new hand without doubt, and most probably that of one of the MacBeaths themselves. At the middle of the fourteenth line down, another and coarser hand takes the same incompleted matter up. This is almost certainly that of James MacBeath, whom we find making other additions to the manuscript in the year 1598 — and long after the O'Cendains and the O'Kearneys had finished their work — when  p.56 the book as it stands was in the family possession. From this we must learn that the Capsula Eburnea, presently to be referred to, was also, and continuously, in the hands of the MacBeaths.

In a collection of classic, medical, Latin tracts called Articella, which was, I think, first published at Venice about the middle of the fifteenth century, the piece Capsula Eburnea appears along with tracts from the works of Phylaretus, others of Hippocrates, Johannus Damascenus, Galen, Celsus, Avicenna the Cantics, and others. It is headed “Liber Hippocratis dictus Capsula Eburnea qui in ejus sepulchro inuentus fertur”. My edition was printed in London in the year 1519.

The Tract is introduced as follows — “Peruenit ad nos quod cum Hyppocrates morti appropinquaret percepit ut uirtutes iste scripte ponerentur in capsa eburnea et poneretur capsa cum eo in sepulchro suo ne aliquis eam detegeret. Cum ergo uoluit Cesar uidere sepulchrum Hyppocratis peruenit ad ipsum: aspexit ipsum: erat aut valde percepit ipsum renouari et fabricari et corpus ejus si integrum inueniret deferri sibi quidquam foderet sepulchrum inuenta est in eo hec capsa eburnea: et in ea iste uirtutes: delata est ergo Cesari: qui in ea aspiciens: Misdos amico suo fideli traditit” — from which, when compared with the Gaelic rendering, it may be seen that the parallel is not very even between the two.

It would seem that the MacBeaths attached some importance to this tract; and it is surely very interesting, if its history is true, even if it is of no meaning to us in this time. There was a desire to continue it, but James was certainly not the man to do it. It has, however, been done. It was used as base for a Chapter in another Gaelic MS. which lies at the Museum (Egerton, 159), and as it must be of interest for purposes of comparison, I give here a part of it which more than covers the post-script.

Tionnsgainter dirydus ypo. ann so. Peritisimus omnium rerum ypocras et cetera .i. eochair gach uile eoluis ypr. rofurail  p.57 eolus ocus aithne bais ocus betha nan uile corp dosgriobadh ina bhetha deighionaigh ocus do furail a cur inn cainruigh da h'adhlacadh leis ocus a cur fona cenn aregla na fellsamh ele d'fagbail a dirraduis ocus a rúin ocus serci a chroidi ocus in tan tainig in t-empire .i. Sesair augustus a gcionn treimsi fada do furail in uadh d'oslugad d'iarraigh innmus ocus óir ocus leg loghmor ocus ocus t'séd mbuadha ocus is e ní fuair ann bogsa comduigh ocus do h'osluigedh e ocus do fuairi ann cairt ina raibhi dirradus yp. ocus do furail in t-empir a tabhairt do liaigh a cuirp ocus a colladh fein .i. Amustotio ainm in legha ocus do creidi dais daéis na popuil idir a raibh dhó ocus do leighi an cairt ocus arna tuigsin dó do foillsich don impir gurb e diorradus yp. do bi ann ocus tailsgelta báis ocus betha an cuirp daenda ocus do labair ar tús do comartha bais d'leth an cinn ocus adubairt da mbia tinnis isin cend ocus at isin adhaigh ocus cosachtach minic ocus a lamh clé ar a ucht g'minic ocus a lamh do cur com poll a tsrona go minic singalaidh in bás isin 4 la dhég ar fichid. Tuilleadh .i. i nech ara mbiadh frenisis da mbia a gruadha derg maille h'atcomall san aigaid ocus re droch dileaghtha sa gaili singalaidh bás an. x. la. Tuilleadh mata an eslainti-si maille h'allus ocus a cluas ocus a fiacla do beith fuar ocus na cuilfedhe go rengamail ocus saotur do beith arna corruibh brugad maille esbuidh eisdecht singalaidh bás isin .x. la. etc.

The tract is translated in full (Eg. 159), but it does not follow the Latin very closely, especially in the matter of 'critical days'. The forms of the language are distinctly nearer to those of our own time, and the writing is in many respects like that of Adv. III. Both are almost certainly of the late sixteenth or the early seventeenth century.

Since I finished my work on this text, I have examined MS. Adv. LX, and I find that my note, p. 3, — 1511, must be corrected. The MS. was. written at Dunolly, Argyll, in the end  p.58 of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth — and the signatures, which are frequent, leave no room to doubt that Maconochie or Duncan's Son cannot be equated with the Connacher who wrote this book. The signatures are always i *qbair, i conqbhair, and y *qbair — and this is one of the oldest and most famous names in the whole tradition and history of Ireland, easily contemporary with the Christian era. It is Connor now, but Connacher is much nearer to the original. The adherence to the Irish generic i and y for Irish ui and modern O' is very interesting and suggestive; and one wonders whether these men of Con-acht may not after all be the Kun-etae of Herodotus.




I here give the whole of the First Chapter from the Latin text of 1501 for purposes of comparison with the Gaelic.

Regimen Sanitatis est triplex, Conseruatiuum, Preseruatiuum et Reductiuum ut innuit Hali tertia particula Tegni can. 19. Conseruatiuum competit sanis, Preseruatiuum neutris, Reductiuum egris. Sed Preseruatiuum nominatur Conseruatiuum ut dicit Haly tertia particula Tegni (téchnēs) commento 55. Dico ergo quod Conseruatio fit per similia — unde tertia particula Tegni Si vis conservare crasim qualem concepisti similia similibus offeras. Corpori ergo temporato debent dari omnia similia in gradu et forma. Sed corpori lapso lapsu naturali debent dari similia in forma sed non in gradu propter inclinationem quam habent ad lapsum ut dicit Auicen. 6.o Colliget ultra medium lib. cap. de regimine complexionum malarum. Si dicas similia non patiuntur a similibus sibi dicit Auicen. libro primo, fen 2.a capitu de signis complexionis Dico quod membra agunt a tota specie in cibum et ideo dico quod digestio fit a toto specie membri per calidum tanquam per instrumentum sicut dicit Auer. 5.o Colliget de stomacho structionis quod in minori tempore dissolvitur ferrum quam in igne a toto specie. Sic dico in proposito vel dico quod a similia non fit passio in rebus inanimatis sed in rebus animatis bene potest fieri. Corpora ergo lapsa regantur cum similibus in forma quando ipsa sunt in temperamento eis debito sed non in gradu quia gradus debet esse remissior in cibo quam in corpore nutriendo. Et debit talis regi per cibum medicinalem quia per cibum absolute complexio temperata absolute regi debet dicit Haly tertia particula Tegni in commento illius Calidiora calidioribus indigent adjutoriis quod lapsum corpus vel calidum ab equalitate per duos gradus debet regi cum calidis in primo gradu vocat frigidum, quia calidum remisse frigidum est in ore medici. Et ideo aliqui errando dicunt ex Haly quod calida debent conservari p.60 cum frigidis; hoc est falsum. Tamen preservari possunt cum frigidis remissis et in gradu remissioribus quam sit corpus preservandum. Sed reductio debet esse perfecte in opposito latere in eodem gradu. Hic tamen sciendum quod calida debent regi per remisse calida et frigida per remisse frigida et sicca per remisse sicca, etcetera. Sicut melancolica cum remisse frigidis et siccis remisse et hoc est cum calidis et humidis non absolute sed respectu complexionis melancolice. Sicut Commentator Dama. particula quinta asso. commento 67 quod vinum est calidum et siccum tamen respectu melancolie est calidum et humidum. Sic dico in proposito quod ita complexio flegmatica debet regi per frigida remisse et humida et hoc est per calida et sicca remisse. Si tamen complexio flegmatica sit lapsa lapsu accidentali ad frigitatem et humiditatem tunc debet regi per calida et sicca intensa et hoc est reducere. Consideranda tamen sunt in regimine sanitatis, qualitas, quantitas, ordo, tempus anni, hora prandendi, consuetudo, et etas. De qualitate cibi iam dictum est quia debet esse similis vel in gradu et forma vel in forma licet non in gradu quia ut dixi prius remisse calidum vocatur frigidum a medico et simile est frigidum frigido. Et cum hoc vinum omne calidum et ideo non est intelligendum quod frigida sint similia corpori humano nisi frigida in remisso gradu, quae sunt calida in ore medici.

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  1. I here give the whole of the First Chapter from the Latin text of 1501 for purposes of comparison with the Gaelic. Regimen Sanitatis est triplex, Conseruatiuum, Preseruatiuum et Reductiuum ut innuit Hali tertia particula Tegni can. 19. Conseruatiuum competit sanis, Preseruatiuum neutris, Reductiuum egris. Sed Preseruatiuum nominatur Conseruatiuum ut dicit Haly tertia particula Tegni (téchnēs) commento 55. Dico ergo quod Conseruatio fit per similia — unde tertia particula Tegni Si vis conservare crasim qualem concepisti similia similibus offeras. Corpori ergo temporato debent dari omnia similia in gradu et forma. Sed corpori lapso lapsu naturali debent dari similia in forma sed non in gradu propter inclinationem quam habent ad lapsum ut dicit Auicen.. 6.o Colliget ultra medium lib. cap. de regimine complexionum malarum. Si dicas similia non patiuntur a similibus sibi dicit Auicen. libro primo, fen 2.a capitu de signis complexionis Dico quod membra agunt a tota specie in cibum et ideo dico quod digestio fit a tota specie membri per calidum tanquam per instrumentum sicut dicit Auer. 5.o Colliget de stomacho structionis quod in minori tempore dissolvitur ferrum quam in igne a toto specie. Sic dico in proposito vel dico quod a similia non fit passio in rebus inanimatis sed in rebus animatis bene potest fieri. Corpora ergo lapsa regantur cum similibus in forma quando ipsa sunt in temperamento eis debito sed non in gradu quia gradus debet esse remissior in cibo quam in corpore nutriendo. Et debit talis regi per cibum medicinalem quia per cibum absolute complexio temperata absolute regi debet dicit Haly tertia particula Tegni in commento illius Calidiora calidioribus indigent adjutoriis quod lapsum corpus vel calidum ab equalitate per duos gradus debet regi cum calidis in primo gradu vocat frigidum, quia calidum remisse frigidum est in ore medici. Et ideo aliqui errando dicunt ex Haly quod calida debent conservari cum frigidis; hoc est falsum. Tamen preservari possunt cum frigidis remissis et in gradu remissioribus quam sit corpus preservandum. Sed reductio debet esse perfecte in opposito latere in eodem gradu. Hic tamen sciendum quod calida debent regi per remisse calida et frigida per remisse frigida et sicca per remisse sicca, etcetera. Sicut melancolica cum remisse frigidis et siccis remisse et hoc est cum calidis et humidis non absolute sed respectu complexionis melancolice. Sicut Commentator Dama. particula quinta asso. commento 67 quod vinum est calidum et siccum tamen respectu melancolie est calidum et humidum. Sic dico in proposito quod ita complexio flegmatica debet regi per frigida remisse et humida et hoc est per calida et sicca remisse. Si tamen complexio flegmatica sit lapsa lapsu accidentali ad frigitatem et humiditatem tunc debet regi per calida et sicca intensa et hoc est reducere. Consideranda tamen sunt in regimine sanitatis, qualitas, quantitas, ordo, tempus anni, hora prandendi, consuetudo, et etas. De qualitate cibi iam dictum est quia debet esse similis vel in gradu et forma vel in forma licet non in gradu quia ut dixi prius remisse calidum vocatur frigidum a medico et simile est frigidum frigido. Et cum hoc vinum omne calidum et ideo non est intelligendum quod frigida sint similia corpori humano nisi frigida in remisso gradu, quae sunt calida in ore medici. 🢀

  2. Galen (Claudius) was born at Pergamos, Asia Minor, A.D. 130. His father, a noted architect and mathematician, gave him a good education, intending to follow the study of medicine. We learn from his writings that he studied under the best physicians of Smyrna, Corinth and Alexandria, and that he travelled widely in quest of knowledge. In his twenty-eighth year he settled in his native town, where he remained for five years. He then went to Rome, where his skill soon brought him into prominence. Envious of his great success as physician and teacher the other physicians made his position so uncomfortable that he went back to Asia, after a while again settling in Pergamos. In A.D. 169 he was again back in Rome upon the invitation of Marcus Aurelius. After some years in Rome, practising, lecturing, and writing, he seems to have returned to Pergamos, but little more is known of his life. Neither the time nor the place of his death is known. He wrote a great number of treatises upon medicine and philosophy — perhaps hundreds — but very many were lost at Rome, where his house was burnt. He also wrote fifteen commentaries on the works of Hippocrates. (See Col. 6.) 🢀

  3. This most probably refers to the translation of Hali's works by 'Constantine the African' under the title of Pantegni. Hali's most important work was El Malika or the Royal Book. He was a strong hygienist and an independent observer and thinker, basing his practice and his writings upon his determination of cause and actual experience rather than upon his teaching or learning. He died A.D. 994. Constantine (1018-1087) was for a time teacher at Salernum and afterwards beeame a monk of Monte Casino. 🢀

  4. tabhair neithi cosmuile similia similibus offeras. This doctrine is extremely comprehensive and valuable. It underlies to a most remarkable extent the great part of what is sensible and truly scientific in modern medical treatment. It simply means 'See what Nature is doing and help it on'. The homoeopaths have made these words their chief corner stone, but there is no evidence anywhere in their literature that they ever understood the words in their original and philosophical sense. In fact their practice, which they think is based upon this old teaching, is at once conclusive proof that they have not only not understood it but have perverted it into very strange ways. To a thoughtful student of Medicine, and especially of the surgical side, it is of abiding interest to observe how very much of all that is rational and assured in our treatment of the present time is referable to this venerable principle. 🢀

  5. Aueroys, usually now written, Averrhoes — a corruption of his Arabic name, Ibn Roshd, or as we should say, Mac-Roshd. He was born at Cordova in Spain in the early half of the twelfth century, where his father was chief magistrate. His early education was directed towards theology and philosophy. He succeeded his father in the magistracy, and was also appointed Cadi of the province of Mauretania by the king of Morocco. His learning and his great gifts were envied. He was charged with having rejected the established religion, and, after being deprived of his offices, he was banished to Spain. Here again he was envied and persecuted, so he fled to Fez and after further persecution there, he was ultimately restored to his dignities by the enlightened Caliph Al Mansur. After an active life he died in Morocco in the beginning of the thirteenth century. Aristotle was to him the greatest of philosophers. He wrote translations of, and commentaries upon, the philosophy of Aristotle to such an extent that he was nick-named the Interpreter. He wrote a compendium of medicine, called Colliget in translations, but a corruption of Arabic 'Kullyat' meaning Universal. The Colliget is frequently referred to in our Text. 🢀

  6. Auicina, now commonly Avicenna for Ibn-Sina, Arabian physician and philosopher, was born near Bokhara A.D. 980. Aristotle was his favourite philosopher. He tells us that he read the Metaphysics forty times before he understood it. He was very precocious, finishing his early education at the age of eighteen, when he began to practise as a physician. Losing his father, at the age of twenty-two, he spent several years in travel, studying his profession, and then he settled down at Hamadan as private physician to a noble lady. He was soon afterwards appointed Vizier to the Emir. On the death of his patron, the son and successor did not continue him as Vizier so he went into retirement, meanwhile writing diligently upon his favourite studies in philosophy and medicine. He offered his services to the Sultan of Ispahan and so came under the suspicion of the Emir, who put him in prison. He escaped, however, to Ispahan, where he was received with great honour. He lived and worked here in peace for fourteen years. He died A.D. 1037. His principal medical work was the Canon Medicinae, often referred to in our text. He also left many commentaries upon the works of Aristotle. 🢀

  7. Tota species. I have not been able to find out where this expression had origin. It clearly means the same as our word digestion in its widest sense. It seems to imply a big truth, namely, that digestion is not a matter limited to the stomach alone, but is a function of the whole body and of every part of it. Our nails and our hair digest, select, and assimilate the elements of food that are proper to them as surely and as correctly as do our muscles and our bones. The whole body is a digestive organ. “And from the heat as instrument”. This also is a complete expression of actuality. The less heat the weaker function. The higher heat the more life. No heat, no life at all. The words 'form', 'degree', and 'high' and 'low', 'hot' and 'cold', in this connection have no meaning, and can have no meaning in our day. They were artificial and unnatural concepts, of the empirical form of thought, which imagined man to stand apart from, and outside Nature. The whole truth is well stated in the Sixth Chapter, “As all Nature is, that is God, and so Nature is ordered in man.” Man is Nature, Nature's highest product and expression. Man is the microcosm; Nature is the macrocosm. In Heine's wonderful statement, “The Ego equals the non-Ego”, the whole of wisdom is complete. 🢀

  8. 'cibum absolute'. 🢀

  9. the full quotation needs indigent adjumentis🢀

  10. here used in its original and best sense of equipoise, or, as Latin has it, equalitate. In the modern speech it always means weight or heaviness. 🢀

  11. Coimplex lenna duibh — lenna find — lenna ruaidh. These are the Complexions, Temperaments or Idiosyncrasies of the individual body — in older times called Melancholic, Phlegmatic and Sanguineous. In the translation I have rendered the words literally. There is something of a general truth underlying these concepts, and the practice based upon them is not disregarded even in the present time. Crasim is the Latin in Col. 1 for coimplex from Gr. krâsis a combination whence idio-sýn-krâsis idiosyncrasy, or as it occurs in Old English, “His bodies crasis is angelicall” (1616). 🢀

  12. an aithfheghadh coimplex lenna duibh respectu complexionis melancolice🢀

  13. — the Damascene Commentator, was “Janus DamascenusJahjah ebn Massiweih, a famous physician and teacher of Harun, and a prolific translator from the Greek. He lived 780-857. 🢀

  14. don cháil gustrasda nearly misled me into making it gustatory, but it is really for gusan dtráth so lately or up to this time — de qualitate cibi jam dictum est🢀

  15. Do chaindigecht in bidh — Of the Quantity of the Food — Quantitas cibi, is the Heading of the Second Chapter of the Tract, although it ends the First as may be seen. Dlighear a chaithimh intan tochluighter e, it (food) should be eaten in the time that is desired. This is, of course, a simple commonsense observation, yet, not always acted upon. The word caithimh has a wide range of usage. Gu meal 's g'un caith thu e may you enjoy it and wear it out is a kindly Gaelic wish when a friend gets a new suit of clothes. Chaith e a mhaoin he spent or wasted his means. Caitheamh is the disease consumption. In our Text it is used of the using, eating, or consuming of food, always. A little thought will show that the essential idea is the same throughout. Tochluighter is from tochluighim, which I cannot find in the dictionaries, but throughout the text it plainly means desire, disposition, and appetite most frequently. 🢀

  16. Arustotul — in epistula ad Alexandrum. Aristotle was born at Stagira in South Macedonia, B.C. 384. His father, Nichomachus, was a physician of the race of the Asclepiadae who traced their descent from Aesculapius. The profession of medicine was hereditary in the family of the Asclepiads, and Aristotle was seventeenth in descent from the founder of the family and the profession. Diogenes Laertius tells us that Aristotle was with Plato at Athens for some twenty years, after which he went to take charge of the education of Alexander the Great for several years. After this he had a school at Athens from 335 to 322 B.C. when he retired to Chalcis where he died shortly afterwards. Some of Aristotle's works are well-known. He was the founder of the Peripatetic School of Philosophy and the originator of the scientific method of investigation and of reasoning. It is safe to say that no human being ever used language so precisely, so closely, and so keen-edged, as Aristotle used it for the expression of the highest efforts of the human intellect. The best minds of mankind have strived to follow him. He remains the supreme model of thought and expression and, as would seem, for all time. 🢀

  17. do ní duinte ocus is cúis sin don mhorgadh cibus excedens debitum oppilat et est causa putredinis. Duinte is from dúin close up; it is Lat. oppilatio which is explained in another part of the Rosa as “Oppilatio hepatis est constrictio seu coarctio seu clausio venarum quae sunt in hepate seu in poris et foraminibus quae sunt in substantia ejus”. See Col. 14, 34. 🢀

  18. tre esbhuigh an indfhuartha propter privationem eventationis. — . 🢀

  19. égintus innfhuartha in croidhi necessitas eventadi cordis🢀

  20. apititus caininus. I have translated this literally as dog-ish appetite. It is a diseased excess of appetite usually now called Bulimia. Tuitim tochluighi “pigritiam”, sluggishness. 🢀

  21. This would read better and perhaps be more correct as eirghitt na detaighi inmolta. The Latin is vapores boni ascendunt, and my statement in the Vocabulary should be so corrected — although the MS. reading and the context are quite enough to have led me away. 🢀

  22. The sign 2 is used for two and with a superscript for dara second (23, 34) and for est, and for the terminal syllables -da and -dha. Inverted [con] is for con always as in [con]trardha, [con]gmail, etc. The old Latin [eius] for ejus is very neatly used in l[eius]=leighius healing or cure. Col. 7, 24. 🢀

  23. intán tosgaighius go himurcrach quando excedit debitum🢀

  24. feithi anmfhanda. The word feith is now almost always used for a vein. Cuisle is the word in the Text for a vein (see Col. 27), but in the later usage the word means more correctly an artery. This differentiation is desirable and even necessary. The primary meaning of cuisle is a pipe or hollow tube. The Latin is nervos debiles, but we have no word in Gaelic for nerve so far as I know. 🢀

  25. The spelling imchubhaidh shows that my rendering imchubidh might be better so spelled, but as I had it so set in type I have left it as it was. The same is the case with the word dlighear which I have put in the Scottish Gaelic form throughout. In the division of words I have also leaned towards the Scottish forms rather than towards the Irish method of 'eclipsis' — but this does no violence to the language. 🢀

  26. duine ro-dheisgribhidech homo summe discretionis🢀

  27. an senduine on tsenordhacht, lit. the old man from (because of) the old-agedess, but the latter word seems to have a specific meaning apart from its etymology. O'Reilly renders it as “the fifth stage of human life, from 54 to 84 years of age”. It is, however, very difficult to deny a kinship between it and the Sc. Gaelic seanair a grandfather, which is usually taken to mean sean-athair or old-father. It is, however, equated with sen-ator. The senex of Latin was a man over sixty. The meaning of the Text is however quite clear. It means a man old beyond the generally accepted old man. In the second line we find dona tshenduine on thsendacht to the old man because of his agedness, but here in the sixth line, as quoted, the old man because of his over-agedness — the treatment is different. The Latin in the younger case is seni a senectute, and in the older seni a senio🢀

  28. dibenta decrepiti🢀

  29. lóchrand ullamh cum baithi (leg. báidhti) lucerna parata extinctioni🢀

  30. sa .c. partegul d'amforismorum. This clearly refers to the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, for Galen makes the Comment. It is, in my copy, the 2lst Aphorism of the Second Book Límon thōrexis lúei🢀

  31. Fiarfuighim I ask. Compare ag iarraidh seeking, Col. 10. These words are part of the same verb but the one has initial f and the other has not. This f initial is not 'organic'; it does not belong to the first part of the original compound word iar + fach which is the preposition iar after. It is called 'prosthetic'. It seems to be a matter of dialect and is very unstable. See osluigthi (13) where Sc. Gaelic would have fosgailte open. It comes and it goes readily. It comes very often where it does not belong, and it goes, perhaps as often, where it does, e.g. the preposition ri which was originally frith, Lat. vert-, turn. We have feagal for eagal fear in several districts, and other similar instances might be given. 🢀

  32. isin tshingcoipis from synkóppein to cut short, usually applied to fatal fainting coming from heart-failure. 🢀

  33. dá (2) bhriala — see the explanation seven lines down as much as a person can take without drawing breath and yet not restraining it. I cannot trace the word satisfactorily. Bria was old Latin for a wine-vessel, but it is not easy to see a connection with this. 'Bala' is a mouthful in Arabic and this may have been a miswriting. It is certainly interesting that our own word even now for a mouthful is 'bala-gum'. In a text of 1595 it is duas phialas, but in the margin it has “duas brialas est in auctore”. 🢀

  34. déis cuislindi lit. after the vein, but used here and frequently in the Text for blood-letting — see Col. 27. 🢀

  35. Dlighear an gnathughadh do coimedh annso mad arrsaigh e muna fa ro-olc e 'the (usual) habit should be observed here if it is (an) old (custom)'. Arrsaigh is not now in use and it does not seem to be etymologically related to aois 'age', for which it is frequently used in the Text. Fa, again, is used here not as the prep. fa=fo under, or as in fadhó, fathrí twice, thrice, but as the verb to be fa=bha. Compare Col. 17, 12. 🢀

  36. claochlogh anala 'change of breath' — or between one breathing and another. This in Sc. Gaelic is caochladh with base clóim muto, I change. It is very finely used in the common speech for the great change of death. The idea of extinction is entirely absent — excluded. It is never used of the death of animals. Caochladh aghaidh nan speur is the change in the face of the skies. Caochladh na h'aimsire is the change or transition of the seasons. The concept of essential continuity is as clearly implied in the word as is that of simple change. Chaochail e he has changed — Eng. he is dead. 🢀

  37. san inadh .c. na 'in the same place'. This single .c. is used as here in cétna the same. It is also used for cét first in .c. inadh 'the first position' (27), and for cét 'a hundred' goraibhi a athair fén .c. bliadhan ina bhethaig 'that his own father was a hundred years in his lif'emdash;that is, of age (10). 🢀

  38. taréis na coda 'after the meal', is for tar 'trans' + éis 'a trace or footstep'. It is always translatable as 'after' even when combined with another prepositive as déis for do + éis. It may take a personal pronoun as tar a éis after it, dom éis after me. 🢀

  39. fundamínt is the Lat. fundamentum, but what the exact physiological intention here is I cannot well say. It may mean that the food was supposed partly mixed or dissolved and partly not, and that the latter was the 'fundament'. 🢀

  40. continoidech which I translated as 'constringent' in my Essay, basing it upon Lat. contineo in the sense of 'holding together', e.g. leighes continoidech 'astringent medicine' will hardly do here. The Latin is multiplicat vices non quantitatem continuam, the unbroken or ordinary quantity. O'Reilly gives cointoiniodeach as customary — from an old source. 🢀

  41. trí deocha 'three kinds of drink' — Alteratiuus, Permixtinus, Delatiuus. The Alterative was supposed to effect a beneficial change in the body without materially affecting the fluids — the humors. The Permixtinus was a 'mixed drink', but whether it had any fixed formula or any definite aim would seem to be impossible to know. The drink Delatiuus is rendered in Gaelic imairctech, which means removing or changing, and the fact that it should be taken after the meal suggests that this was something like the purpose of it. The word is made up of imm + air + ic 'to come'. The 'Appetiser', the 'bottle of wine', and the 'Liqueur' of civilisation are doubtless descendants of these three drinks, performing similar supposed service. 🢀

  42. caindighect na nithead is intabhurta quantitas offerendorum. The prefix 'in-, ion-' signifies fitness or appropriateness, so intabhurta means 'giveable' or 'what is right to give'. 🢀

  43. D'Órd in Dieta no Caithme in Bhídh — 'Of the Order of the Diet or the Eating of Food'. This begins the Third Chapter as stated at the end of the previous paragraph. 🢀

  44. coimleadh an corp, 'let him rub the body', from co + melim 'I rub or grind', Lat. molo. The same word is used for the teeth (24) — coimleadh a fhiacla le duille uircill ... ocus le croicinn an ubhaill buidhe fricet cum foliis citrulli et eum cortici citri🢀

  45. tursgar na súl very likely a metathesis from trus 'gather', therefore, what gathers upon the eyes during the night — illud enim aufert lippitudinem oculorum eosque clarificat. Lippio was an old expression for having sore or bleary eyes. 🢀

  46. na gabhadh roimhe ocus na cuireadh a faill 'non ante nec tardius'🢀

  47. do lenduibh morguighthi with corrupt humors, 'pravis humoribus'🢀

  48. linadh tadhbais o l[ind] r[uadh] 'a heavy filling from red humors', 'venit repletio fantastica propter choleram contractam ad os stomachi'🢀

  49. lisin thochlughadh ainmhidhe 'with the animal (natural) desire', 'appetitu naturali'🢀

  50. prolongare — it should be noticed that the loop on the stem of p is in front before, 'pro' the stem, whereas in 'per' it is after the stem — if the vowel is not superscript as in Col. 1, 8. 🢀

  51. Ni gabdhaois biadha examhla an éinfheacht 'nec diversa edulia accepisse simul'. Examhla=eu + con + samail the negative of cosmail. Ein 'one' + feacht 'time' — the word is not now in use, but it remains, if rather hidden, in the words feasda 'for ever' and fathast 'yet', which are our present forms for old i-fecht-sa and fo-fecht-sa🢀

  52. meadughadh here has a slightly exceptional meaning. Usually the direct meaning is 'to enlarge, to make large', but here it means 'to equate the food to the powers of the stomach' — to make the food as large as the stomach can use. The Latin has it well as 'apportionare'🢀

  53. o nach feduruis cad is indenta 'quum ignoras quid sit faciendum'🢀

  54. Proindiughadh orduighthi 'orderly (or proper) feeding' — to take food three times in two days. Proind, the base here, is evidently the Lat. 'prandium' 'a dinner', but used in the general sense of a meal. Compare 'post prandium' with déis in proindighthi, Col. 12, 22. 🢀

  55. Fathrí sa dá lá .i. fadhó ládib ocus einfecht lá eile 'twice in the two days, that is, twice on days and once (only) on the other day'. The modern language has lost these very useful forms fadhó, fathrí, etc. They should be restored. This dietary may seem peculiar — one day two meals and the other day one, or three meals in forty-eight hours. A personal note may be excused. While on a long sea voyage two years ago, I found that the regulation three or four meals a day made me quite useless, and strangely enough I fell into this very way of two meals one day, and only one on the alternate days. The result was to me altogether excellent, and indeed surprising, and I have followed it more or less closely ever since. I can truly say that when I may depart from it I am in no way benefited, but distinctly the reverse. This was before I knew anything of this Text or of its teaching. 🢀

  56. uiginti duas. This seems to be an error. In the Latin texts it is always 'sedecim'🢀

  57. tre moille oiprighthi na brighi dileaghthaighi 'propter tarditatem operationis digestivae'🢀

  58. Read na [in] inaduibh etc., 'quam in aliis digestis' — a recognition that they knew digestion took place in other parts as well as in the stomach. 🢀

  59. is luath indtaighter etc., 'et ideo cito convertitur in rosem (in rorem, 1595) in poris membrorum'🢀

  60. gur sgeigheadur evomuerunt🢀

  61. Lubra — the word seems essentially to mean, or rather to have meant, leprosy, when that disease was common in this country, but later the word seems to have come to mean simply 'disease' in one of its coarser external forms. Specific leprosy seems to have followed the Crusaders into Western Europe. Lazarhouses were numerous in England from eleventh century onwards for more than five hundred years. There was a leperhouse at Canterbury in the eleventh century, and one was established in Edinburgh as late as 1591, and it was the end of the eighteenth century before the disease disappeared — in the Shetlands. 🢀

  62. Lictuairi 'a lectuary', an old form for electuary. Chaucer has it “Too late cometh the lectuarye”. 🢀

  63. Drageta. This seems by some way of kinship to be the same as Fr. 'dragée', a sweetmeat or comfit. A form 'dragé' is used in modern pharmacy for sweetmeat covered medicines. Rufhus — of Ephesus, a man very greatly in advance of his time (about 50 A.D.) especially as anatomist. 🢀

  64. Marchuideacht 'riding, horsemanship', from old Gaelic marc a horse — W. Cor. march, Br. march🢀

  65. tar modh amach is rather unfamiliar. It means that the sleep and the sleeplessness which goes beyond manner or is excessive either way, is bad. 🢀

  66. Arson nan ae do beith faoi in ghaili 'because the livers are under the stomach'. It is remarkable that the liver is always referred to in the plural form. This implies that they knew the evolution of the human liver, and that morphologically it is a compound organ, or that they made no post-mortem examination or dissection of the human body, and that they derived their knowledge from observations upon the lower animals. It is well known that dissection of the human body was even a rare thing in the old Schools from which our MS. had origin, but in the Latin texts the word is always in the singular, in Gaelic only is it in the plural form. 🢀

  67. dilighur impog ar in taobh clé 'you should change to the left side'. The writing of 'dilighur' which is wrong for 'dlighear' shows that the writer was copying and that not intelligently. The same sort of error occurs frequently. In Col. 14, 10 'móran in bidh' was written 'móran in biadh' but it was corrected and even then left wrong. 🢀

  68. angar do beith asuighi 'nisi quasi sedendo'🢀

  69. o mhaidin go teirt 'mane usque ad tertiam' — to the third hour after sunrise. O'R. has Teirt sunrise. 🢀

  70. cluthur le hédach gomaith e 'pannis bene contegatur patiens'🢀

  71. measruighter aicidigi na h'anma 'accidentia animae reperentur'🢀

  72. Note the contractions for 'acht, nach' lines 2-3. The former is very often met with as terminal '-acht' and '-echt', and the latter for 'nech' 'a person'. 🢀

  73. sul toitis an biadh 'before the food falls' — toitis mis-written for tuitis🢀

  74. édrum 'light', compare édrom line 4. 🢀

  75. ar an cétna 'upon the same thing'. Note the contraction for 'cétna'🢀

  76. athumulta. I cannot find this word anywhere. It means “'molesta'”, and is perhaps 'ath-thum-alta' or as we should say 'repeating' of the food. 🢀

  77. res est manefesta — a new way of writing 'est'🢀

  78. teaguisgaigh au ealadha leighis 'the art of medicine teaches'. This means rather that from the means used an instructive inference can be drawn. If the remedy used, and directed towards a definite purpose, succeeds, then the inference is good that the diagnosis was right. 🢀

  79. na fastaighter ar én cor iad 'nec reteneatur ultra quam natura stimulat', 'let them not for any reason be estrained or withheld'. The verb is spelled 'fostogh' in Col. 7. The meaning here is that neither the natural inclination of the bladder or of the bowel should be for any reason restrained beyond the time in which it is the habit to empty them. This advice holds true in our day — and with emphasis — when our most valuable lives are too often wrecked or lost from Appendicitis, of which this unnatural restraint of the bowel is almost if not altogether the simple and sole cause. It is not the farmer or the field-worker or the shepherd who suffers from Appendicitis, but the dweller in the office and especially in the drawing-room. Without anti-peristalsis there would be no Appendicitis; but the very simple physiology of the matter cannot be entered upon here. The advice is powerfully pertinent, and the explanation in the Text is quite complete 'on gaothmuirecht ag impogh suas'. There is no need for any theory of Appendicitis beyond this. A well-known English epitaph gives sound and sincere advice on this matter; but a friend has, for some reason, thought it would be better Latinised, and in his Latin.

    1. Quacunque sis, efflate bis;
      Retente, me — hic jacit!
    That retention of the urine may cause stone is not at all unlikely, but that it may and does cause syncope there can be no doubt. 🢀

  80. oir do gendaois duinte 'quia generant oppilationes' — see Col. 4, 25. 🢀

  81. The last line is an interesting note; it is the signature of Hugh O'Cendainn, the writer. 🢀

  82. nech in MS. has the aspirate, wrongly. 🢀

  83. sa ló conoidchi 'in the day with a night'; oir is e sin in lá nadurda 'for that is the natural day' — 24 hours. This preposition con is lost to modern Sc. Gaelic although it remains hidden in a few old expressions. Slat gu (con) leth is a yard and (with) a half. 🢀

  84. do leith na haoisi, etc., 'aetati, regioni et tempori'🢀

  85. na cabain inmhedhonach the internal cavities, 'uentres' — the stomach and intestines. 🢀

  86. oi ni bfuil 'for there is not'. 'Oi' here is for 'oir'. It occurs so, and so often, in the Text that it becomes a suggestion the writer was tongue-tied or lisped. It occurs Col. 17, 4 and 26, where it is followed 28 by oir for uair🢀

  87. doréir shínte in edluis, etc. It is very difficult to understand the concept underlying these phrases. The Latin (which I have been compelled to put in the Translation) is just as difficult to understand. The wording is not difficult but the meaning is. 🢀

  88. Note q with m superscript for 'chum', and in 36. 🢀

  89. Observe the reversion of the writing here after mesurr to the previous line 34 and continued in the following 36. This is the rule in these MSS. and almost certainly for economy of space — see Cols. 6, 32; 2O, 6. Mesurrdha here is 'temperatus'🢀

  90. tempore brune=tempore brumae. Bruma is more correctly the shortest day or time of the year — the winter Solstice or Christmas time. It is really 'brevissima (dies)' contracted. It is here meant for the Winter or the cold time as a whole. 🢀

  91. Note the terminal contraction 2 for -da in 'mesurrda'. This, with and without the aspirating over-dot, is frequent. Compare 'mi-mesurrdha' 24. 🢀

  92. 'in moderatis' — immoderatis mí-mesurrdha🢀

  93. roimh an teirt, etc., 'ante tertiam et hora vesperarum'🢀

  94. uair an éigentuis 'tempus necessitatis'🢀

  95. nach eidir le nech, etc., 'nullus potest observare tempus cibi sumendi nisi is qui non est occupatus in aliqua operatione necessaria aut qui liberam habet conditionem in omnibus'. 🢀

  96. Don gnathughadh 'Consuetudo Dietandi'🢀

  97. ocus mar ata in nadur uilidh, etc., 'et sicut est de natura universali quae est deus ita de particulari in homine quia non statim punit sed in processu temporis.' 🢀

  98. oir do ní gach uile thoradh, etc., 'omnes fructus faciunt sanguinem aquosum et inutilem et putrefactibilem'🢀

  99. lagaid na húbla rosdaighthi roim an qid [chuid] lucht l[enn]a r[uaidh] 'the roasted apples (taken) before the meal relax those of red humors' — 'colerici'🢀

  100. istipeda=is stipeda, and so also at 9, they are the more binding. 🢀

  101. Ysaac (Ben Soleiman, 830-940) was a pupil of Johannes Damascenus — Col. 3, 12. He made a special study of Foods, determining the value not only of the different kinds of flesh, but also of the different parts of the same animal. Though a Jew (hence called Isaac Judaeus) he was strongly in favour of pork as a nourishing food. 🢀

  102. drong ele a gcinn ocus drong ele a gcnamha. This is perhaps the best example of Irish 'eclipsis' in the Text. It occurs with other initial consonants, as may be seen, but not at all regularly. It is not unlikely that the Scottish tendency, which has quite done away with 'eclipsis', was asserting itself at the time. There is a superfluous a at the end of 27. 🢀

  103. pisces et mulieres. It is 'uxores' in the texts available to me, and so it is rendered in the Gaelic — 'na heisg ocus na mná'🢀

  104. mur is folluis do tharr in bradain. 'Mur' if not quite wrong would be better as 'mar'. 'Mur' is the Negative Conjunction 'if not'; but 'mar', which is here certainly intended, is the Adverbial 'as'. I was very nearly misled by 'do tharr', which I took for 'do thár' 'regarding or concerning' — the salmon. This, however, is the old 'tarr' 'the belly' of the salmon which is, as evidently was, considered the best and most digestible part. Donnachadh Bán finely sings of the 'Bradan tarra-gheal' the white-bellied salmon. The Latin is 'ut patet de ventre salmonis'🢀

  105. in cuid is mo bis ar gluasacht, etc., 'illa pars quae magis est in motu pauciores habet superfluitates'🢀

  106. gluasacht hégin 'some movement' — a certain amount. Note the contraction for 'h'eígin' — it frequently occurs. 🢀

  107. is don milsi oenda tuighter sin 'it is of the single sweetness that is to be understood'. 'Single' here means the sweetness of one simple article of food as against the compound sweetness of made 'dishes', or 'neithi cumuisgtech' — see Col. 8, 20. 🢀

  108. This contraction for etir is not common. 🢀

  109. an drong lerbáil coimriachtachain do gnathughadh 'qui volunt uti coitu'🢀

  110. Don cuislind umorro begins the paragraph upon Blood-letting. 🢀

  111. au here is for Avicenna and not Averrhoes🢀

  112. aphoplexia. This word is a remnant of the old 'evil spirits' concepts of disease. It is even now in English called 'a stroke'. The idea was that the evil spirit came up stealthily and maliciously from behind and struck the unfortunate victim with a mortal, even if invisible hammer, so knocking him down, perhaps never again to rise.

    1. Whilst Apoplexy, cramm'd intemperance knocks
      Down to the ground as butcher felleth ox.
    [JAMES THOMSON (1700-1748)] Castle of Indolence. The same concept is in the word Epilepsy in which the malicious spirit was thought to jump or leap upon the victim unawares and held him under, writhing and foaming, during the fierce struggle. The Greek origins of these words are plain and their meanings also. 🢀

  113. Meghathegni=méga + téchnē the Great Work — see Col. 1, 7, note. 🢀

  114. Note the reversion of the Latin quotation. 🢀

  115. gurob cara don nádur fuil derg 'that red blood is more akin to nature' — to the tissues of the body — than any of the other fluids. This of course is quite correct. 'Quia sanguis est amicus naturae plus quam alius humor'🢀

  116. intan is imarcach e 'quando excedit'🢀

  117. coimplex fola deirge 'a ruddy complexion' showing that he is full-blooded. 🢀

  118. squinancia ocus nescoidedh inmedonach 'quinsy and internal ulcers'. The word 'nescoid' is now limited specifically to the boil and carbuncle — 'atpostematum interiorum' is the Latin — but in the old time before the advent of our pathology its application was very wide and very indefinite. The genesis of the word is given in Cormac's Glossary as follows: Goibniu, the smith of the Tuath Dé Danann, was at his forge making weapons for the battle of Moytura when something affecting the character of his wife came to his ears, and this upset him. “There was a pole in his hand, when he heard the story; Ness was the name of the pole; and he sings spells over the pole; and to every man who came to him he gave a blow of this pole. Then if the man escaped a lump of gory liquid and matter was raised upon him, and the man was burned like fire, for the form of the pole called Ness was on the lump, and therefore it was named Nescoid, from that name. 'Ness' then, that is 'a swelling', and 'scoit' 'liquid'” — all which may or perhaps may not be quite true. Ma's breug uam is breug chugam🢀

  119. In both my Latin texts of 1501 and 1595 this is “secunda particula Aphorismorum commento sexto” without the dá fithett of the Text. 🢀

  120. Uair toghnidhi na bliadhna 'the time of year to be chosen' — for Blood-letting — begins a paragraph. The origin of the word bliadhna the year has not as yet been very conclusively explained. It is bliadain in old Irish, and O'Reilly (Introduction) argues at some length that it is the Keltic 'Bel-ain' the great circle of the god Bel or the Sun — for 'aine', G. 'fáine', Lat. 'annus', and 'anus' was and is a ring or circle, and see Dr. Macbain in voc. 'Bealltuin' and 'Bliadhna'🢀

  121. oir ni fuil én ní coimedus nech ar eslaintibh in t'samhruigh mar do ní cuisli an erruigh 'for nothing protects a person from the ills of Summer (so well) as does the Spring blood-letting'. 'Coimedus', which I translate 'protects' here, is the same word as often occurs in the sense of 'seeing' or 'foreseeing' — see Col. 1. The Preposition 'ar' is here used very clearly in the sense 'against'. 🢀

  122. um feil Stefain ocus, etc., 'about the feast of St. Stephen and about the feast of John Baptist'. The Preposition 'um' is here nearer to its original form than is usually met with. In modern Gaelic it is inverted to 'mu', although it still remains in the compound Prepositions as umam, umad, uime and uimpe, etc. Its cognates are W. am, Cor. and Bret. am and em, Gaulish 'ambi', Lat. ambi, Gk. amphí🢀

  123. Don taobh as an dlighear a ligen — 'Concerning the side on which it should be let' — a paragraph. 🢀

  124. do leith an ré 'regarding the moon'. 'Ré' is here used in its classic sense for 'the moon', which is now 'a ghealach' or 'the white one'. This should be a paragraph. 🢀

  125. Don diet d'áithli na cuislindi — 'Of the diet after the Blood-letting' — another paragraph. 🢀

  126. macht cadfarligettur i. This is one of the places in which I find a difficulty in rendering the contraction which reads 'macht' as 'maseadh', and yet I do not know a form 'macht', nor can I find one anywhere. 'cadfarligettur' is 'quem amiserunt'🢀

  127. an aithfeaghadh in begain bid 'in compensation for the small (quantity) of food'; but Latin is 'in comparatione ad illum parvum cibum'🢀

  128. is usa linadh na dighe na linadh an bidh. This is one of the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, although the author does not mention it — eleventh of the Second Book — Raon pleroûsthai potoû e sitioû 'facilius est repleri potu quam cibo'🢀

  129. na biodh go gar do theine ocus na denuid coimhriachtain, etc., I would translate this last word as 'effort', for the word and context would bear this rendering, but the Latin has it 'nec igni nec coitu approximent'🢀

  130. This is a little troublesome in t'errach a féil peaduir 'in the Spring at the feast of St. Peter'. The feast of Peter Apostle is 29th June. That of St. Patrick, 17th March, would fit rightly, but Patrick is never 'Petrus' but 'Patricius'. 🢀

  131. Symphorianus of Autun. Day: 22 August. 🢀

  132. doréir nan astroluighedh, etc., 'et hoc secundum Astronomos qui ponunt tempora aequalia — non sic Medici'. Observe the contraction for noch, l=vel=no + c with aspiration. 🢀

  133. fo examhlacht uairedh a laetheadh 'secundum horas diversas diei'🢀

  134. na h'uighi ocus a caibhdeal “ova et candellum de ovis valent flebotomatis”. The Gaelic is evidently 'made' from “candellum”, which I cannot follow. That it was something “white” (from “candeo”) made from eggs is clear — custard pudding, or what we please. 🢀

  135. But see footnote 164 in the CELT edition of An liaigh i n-Éinn i n-allod, III and IV, p. 259, (CELT file G600024) where Beatrix Färber has shown that candellum is a misreading for “caldellum”, which via Old French results in Middle English “caudel”, a hot fortified drink for the sick, based on ale or wine, with added, egg, sugar and/or spices. From there it is only a small step to the Irish form caibhdel. 🢀

  136. in potaitsi ... do cabhlan ocus do hocus, etc., “fiat brodium de caulibus, malva, salvia, petrosilino vel de albis capitis porrorum decoctis et expressis” (1595). 🢀

  137. ocus a coimsuighedh le baindi almont 'and mingled with milk of almonds', 'cum lacte amygdalarum confectis'🢀

  138. The plants named in this paragraph are — 'Kale' 'Brassica oleracea', 'Ocus' 'Oculus Christi' 'Wild Sage', 'Salvia verbena' (but Lat. 'malva' 'mallow'), 'saithsi' 'sage', parsley, and the white heads of leeks — with milk of almonds. 🢀

  139. gurub romaith an t'Ord. I prefer here to 'an toradh' for it reads better with context, although the writing of the word favours the latter, and the grammatical setting is also in favour of it. Latin, however, is 'dico quod amigdalae comestae sicut sunt vel exeorticate sunt optimi fructus flebotomatis et ethicis' [hecticis]🢀

  140. lucht na ptisisi 'those of phthisis' — such as suffer from phthisis. 🢀

  141. Borrage, Bugloss “Echium vulgare”, Violet, Mercurial, Spinache, Monk's rhubarb “Rumex patientia”, Lettuce, the tops of Fennel, parsley and Avens 'Geum urbanum' the 'herb Bennet' 'herba benedicta', because, as Platearius says, the Devil cannot enter a house in which the root is kept. 🢀

  142. eanbruithi 'soup', suggests that there is a bird in it, at any rate etymologically, for it is frequently written énbhruithe. The Sc. Gaelic is eanairaich for 'broth, soup', but this would not greatly oppose my suggestion. Cormac's Glossary says that it means 'the water of flesh', from old en water + bruithe flesh. 🢀

  143. oir is dúintech righin iat 'for they are constringent and tough', “quia est valde oppilativa et viscosa”. Treabhantar is 'curds and whey' (O'G.). The Latin is “pinguedo lactis vel crema”. 🢀

  144. na h'oisreaghdha the oysters and the half-raw things are bad. 🢀

  145. is beg nach leth don dileaghadh ... cogaint maith in bídh good cooking of the food is nearly half of the digestion — a very wise observation. 🢀

  146. I misread this sentence at first, and almost excusably, because of the peculiar use of the word 'tindisnech', and because of the miswritten 'daniri' for 'dan aire'. The meaning is that 'those err who eat food too hurriedly or ravenously, for thus they sometimes eat injurious things without being brought to their notice' — 'errant qui nimis festinantur comedunt et aliquando comedunt nociva et non advertunt'🢀

  147. Here, as is usual, the coming new Chapter is announced — Of the Age and of the Complexion — no doubt also to save space. 🢀

  148. daoine óga — sen-daoine — macaoimh, although all masculine in form, and literally, are nevertheless better rendered as 'young adults, old people, and youths'. 🢀

  149. caithid neithi seimhe ... noc[h] intuighter go luath 'comedunt igitur subtilia quae cito convertantur'🢀

  150. bit tirim go foirimillach, etc., 'sunt sicca exterius et solidiora per totum ideo minus divisibilia a calore'🢀

  151. is olc aran na pastae 'panis pastillorum est malus', probably something of our own pastry — 'riaghail forlethon' 'regula generalis'🢀

  152. intan taidhillter e 'quum tangitur'🢀

  153. In t'aibstinens measardha is ro-árd in leighes e 'the moderate abstinence is very high healing' — it is a noble treatment. This is one of the very many native, wise comments to be met in the Text, showing all the time that the author was thinking and writing upon the basis of a sound and observant experience. 'Abstinenti enim moderata est summa medicina'🢀

  154. is ro-urusa lis na sen-daoinibh in tréiginus d'fhulang 'old people bear emptiness (abstinence) very easily'. 🢀

  155. is leor ansacht, etc., 'phlegmatici bene possunt jejunium'🢀

  156. oir is luigha in tes disgaoiles indtu, etc., 'qui calor dispersus est minor et possunt plus resistere'🢀

  157. nar bu dimaoin let céimniughadh déis na coda 'and do not think it is in vain to take a walk after the meal' — after the supper. This is probably the source of the proverbial advice 'After supper walk a mile', and see Introduction, p. 12, 'post coenam stabis aut passus mille meabis'🢀

  158. na conaim ar th'fual ocus na héigin[i]gh go láidir do shuig[h]i 'do not restrain thy urine and do not distress thy seat' — the bowel. This is in effect the same advice as is given Col. 14, 32, with perhaps the implied difference, or rather agreement, that restraining strongly, and forcing the bowel unnaturally, are both wrong and very injurious. 🢀

  159. ataid naoi socamhuil do beir in fíon glan duit 'the clean (pure) wine will give thee nine comforts — or benefits', namely: 1. 'imdaighi na brigha' 'it will increase the powers' (the strength). 2. 'lagaid na hinde línta' 'it will relax the full intestines'. 3. 'nertaighi in gaili' 'it will strengthen the stomach'. 4. 'ocus in incinn' 'and it will strengthen the brain'. 5. 'do bir in croidhi subaltach' 'it will give the merry heart'. 6. 'do ní dánacht' 'it will make (give) courage' — 'efficit audacem'. 7. 'togairmidh an t'allus' 'it will call forth the sweat'. 8. 'geuraigi in t'indlecht' 'it will sharpen the intellect' — 'aptat ingenium'. 9. 'ocus do ní foirbheartas do na cáirdibh' 'and it will make a stimulus to the friends' — towards friendship. This is a very fair statement and withal correct — and yet 'let moderation be with it so that its working may not be perverted'. The case for the use of wine could hardly be better stated. 🢀

  160. The contraction which I have extended as 'foirbheartas' (9 supra) O'G. renders as 'forbfailtecus', where 'for' is an 'extensive' + 'failtecus' an agreeable welcoming; and O'R. has 'forbhfaoileadh' for 'mirth'='for' + 'faoilidh'> 'joyful'. Latin is 'tali luxus congaudat amico'🢀

  161. inté caithius cainel 'he who uses cinnamon' — a very interesting expression which the modern language has lost. We cannot now say “intè” 'the he' or 'the him', but we still retain “inté” 'the she' or 'the her'. Scottish Gaelic has lost the masculine form but the feminine remains. 🢀

  162. go h'ealadhanach le teine 'per artificium, per ignem'🢀

  163. Et is lór so, etc. This finishes the Tract. The rest is a postscript with no reference to the section of the Rosa Anglica upon which our Text is based. It is difficult to say whether the handwriting of the rest of this Column is the same as that of the Text so far — although it almost certainly is, and therefore is that of Aodh O'Cendainn🢀

  164. Eochair gach uile eolais Ipocras, 'Hippocrates (is) the key of all knowledge', was born in the island of Cos about 46O B.C. He was of the family of hereditary pbysicians descended from Aesculapius. His father Heraclides, himself a famous physician, taught him in his early days. After extensive travel and a wide experience, he established the great medical school of Cos, where he taught that the right conduct of life and right diet was the basis of health and the cure of all disease. His Aphorisms, which seem to have been culled from his extensive writings either by himself or by some of his followers, though fairly well known, but yet not so well known as they should be, are even now worthy of attention. Some sixty works are left us to his credit, but his authorship of several of these is doubtful. Galen (Col. 1, 6) was his great commentator. He is said to have died at Larissa in Thessaly B.C. 357. 🢀

  165. The following is printed below the last MS plate. 🢀

  166. The few words here are of little interest except that 'Donald MacBeath wrote this'. 🢀

  167. see Voc. Sen 🢀


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