Prefatory Note
Barnaby Rich (1542-1617), an ex-soldier, was one of the most prolific writers of the Elizabethan and Jacobean period. Besides various satirical and fictional works, he wrote extensively on military affairs, especially on Ireland where he served in the 1570s. He had a hawkish, anti-Spanish and anti-Catholic approach and emphasized the need for military preparedness against their real and perceived threats. On Ireland he was a pronounced hardliner, condemnatory of Irish customs, both political and social, and the people's religious devotion to Rome. However, he was also scathing about the shortcoming of English rule in Ireland, particularly the lack of rigour in enforcing ecclesiastical policy and the corruptions its officials and army captains engaged in. Rich's Irish commentary included published works as well as complaints and policy advice sent privately to the Queen and her ministers such as this manuscript text preserved amongst the Irish State Papers in the National Archives in London. Rich's Irish writings have been superbly treated in the scholarship of Dr Eugene Flanagan; the more general debate about Irish policy in which Rich was concerned has been extensively dealt with by Dr David Heffernan in his work on 'reform' treatises.
This is the full published transcription of Barnaby Rich's Looking (a shortening for looking-glass) which he addressed to Queen Elizabeth in May 1599. The spelling has been modernised to enhance readability. The document was intended to support his patron Robert Devereux, the 2nd Earl of Essex, who had recently arrived in Ireland with a large army. Although Rich was a visitor to Dublin in 1589-92 during Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam's government and in 1607-08 during Chichester's time, there is no evidence to suggest that he had travelled in Essex's entourage on this occasion. Rich, remaining in London, was here trying to keep up the pressure so that Essex would receive the fullest possible backing in suppressing the Irish revolt and the freest possible hand in remodelling Ireland along English lines.
Much had altered since Rich had last proffered advice to the Queen. It has been ignored at great cost. Now the revolt led by Hugh O'Neill earl of Tyrone had gained success across most of the island and English rule was endangered. Given the dire situation in Ireland that England was mired in, Rich's title might be relevant here – 'looking-glass', according to OED, was also slang for chamber-pot! Rich highlighted the Irish claims to sovereignty and kingship, the allegations rife about English officials' susceptibility to bribery and how the government in London was being misled by the quality of information received about Ireland. He had misgivings about the power exercised by Thomas Butler, earl of Ormond, notwithstanding his service to the Queen before and during the war. He was scathing about the campaign hold-ups, loss of money and the outright fraud that had been perpetrated. He also warned about the threat to royal control of the towns from their Catholic inhabitants, advised against Irish abuse of protections and pardons, evinced annoyance at secret traitors who aided and abetted those in revolt and exhorted the use of famine and rapid conquest. Many of Rich's concerns were shared by other contemporary English commentators such as Thomas Lee and Edmund Spenser. Yet in outlining such a final solution, he was also advising an upfront, maximalist approach that harked back ultimately to the no-nonsense, garrison advocacy of Giraldus Cambrensis when the original Norman conquest began to stall in the late 1180s.
Hiram Morgan December 2024
Barnaby Rich
Whole text
A looking for her Majesty, wherein to view Ireland: wherein is expressed how this rebellion hath been kindled, and the rebel thus strengthened; what reformation most behoveful for her Majesty's advantage; of many profits that might be raised towards her Majesty's expenses.
By Barnaby Rich
To the Queen's most excellent majesty.
Most excellent and gracious princess, seven years are altered and expired since I delivered such informations for your Majesty's service in Ireland, as by the opinion of some of your most honourable council here (who at this present have now overlooked them) £500,000 will not again repair the neglect, which at that time might have been effected without any manner of charge to your Majesty's purse. But what might have been done is already past and necessity now enforcing for your highness either to win or lose all, your Majesty is rather to expect what is to be done, than what might have been done. If it shall then please your gracious sovereign to settle a reformation (indeed) as it should be, there is no matter of greater importance for performing of it, then for your highness to be sufficiently informed of this rebellion, how it hath been kindled, strengthened and continued and to learn with the physician, first to know the disease, then to remove the cause and so to cure the sickness.
I will presume to give directions how this rebellion is to be prosecuted, because I make no doubt but that the course is already determined by that most honourable earl in this his expedition by him now undertaken. And as I am not ignorant, but that it will be a matter of great difficulty to suppress the rebellion and the most noble piece of service that ever was performed in Ireland to break the neck of this rebellion. Yet so to dissolve it as it may never more gather head, nor to put your Majesty to aftercharges, but rather that your Highness should have means to recover some part of that you have already spent, and to bear out the expenses of that which is yet to come. This is the service that I do here intend and this (gracious sovereign) I make no doubt but might be performed, if it were not against the Irish, with whom we are so combined, that there is nothing that may be reformed, how beneficial so ever it might be to your Majesty, but it should be crossed. Your highness hath paid dearly for it, but I fear me your expenses that way will never have end. Pleaseth it my most gracious sovereign than first to understand of this rebellion, how it hath been kindled as followeth.
The ground of the rebellion
Letting many petty matters pass, that giveth the Irish daring to rebel and to come to the main and principal cause, not only of this rebellion now on foot but almost of ever and other rebellion that hath been attempted in Ireland are commonly hatched from this occasion. The lords and great men of the country that are ever more struggling to shake off the English government to make themselves absolute, to tyrannise among their tenants and would bring your Majesty to be queen of Ireland as the king of Spain is king of Jerusalem (for this is the mark they shoot at) and the liberty they have hitherto had in reigning over their tenants and followers in such kingly authority as they have done, maketh them to be followed as they are, for the multitude which knoweth no other God than Saint Patrick, nor any other king than their landlord, are not but be ready to rise out with them in any commotion or rebellion whatsoever.
Here is now a matter of great policy for Ireland, if it shall so please your Majesty to consider of it, which is not to make any great men the country nor to dignify them with any high title or authority, for although the axiom might seem sufficient, which affirmeth that, where the subject is too great, the prince too small, yet may it please your Majesty to pardon me but one precedent for Ireland. And I will take the man of greatest worth, the Earl of Ormond by name, of whom I can report nothing but well, a great man in his country, firm and faithful to your Majesty (so far as I know), honourably disposed in all his demeanours. But what hath his greatness, or any other credit it hath pleased your Majesty to bestow of (him, been available to your service now at this instant (that is worth the speaking of). But, if the Earl of Ormond would have been a traitor, he would have been of greater power, and much more noisome to your Majesty than two earls of Tyrone. By this it may appear (gracious Princess) that the greatness of the Irish may do your Majesty little good, but much harm.
The inconvenience of this Irish regality was looked into by him that was able to judge of colours, I mean by the late Lord Treasurer, who, to prevent the mischief, endeavoured still to establish law; and, for that purpose, the whole country was divided and reduced into shires, and accordingly there was appointed sheriffs and other officers to minister both law and justice amongst them, that the people, seeing the diversity in government between a gracious Princess and an ungracious landlord, desisting from their Irish customs, might wholly incline themselves under your Majesty's protection. But these seneschals, sheriffs, and others, that should have been the reformers (as it was first purposed) became the only deformers (as they behaved themselves); for, in the choice of them, he was ever thought most worthy for the place that would give most money for the office; and these office-buyers did so exact and oppress the poor people, that they thought there was no greater servitude than to live under your Majesty's laws. If your Majesty doth want money to prosecute the wars, who may better spare it than those who, by their corruptions, have drawn on the charge?
A preparative for Jesuits, seminaries, and the rest of that Popish crew, to work upon. I shall need to say but little in this, for your Highness can easily consider where these protested enemies to your Majesty may have such scope as they have in Ireland, where both city, town, and country do swarm with them, what expectation of the people's obedience your Majesty may there look for; or what assurance of peace your Highness may ever hope for, I leave it to your most gracious consideration.
Here is yet a matter to be considered of, how these Jesuits and seminaries have been fostered, bolstered out, and borne withal, even in Dublin itself. Some of them have been apprehended and imprisoned, yet quickly enlarged again, but not without some consideration, not only exacted from themselves, but their friends have likewise paid dearly to have again their freedom. So that these priests were profitable members to some men's purses, and great gain and commodity was raised by them. Amongst the rest that was apprehended, there was one invested by the Pope to the Bishopric of Down, sent from Rome into the north of Ireland, where he sequestered churches, consecrated priests to say mass, dispensed with the people for their faith and fidelity to your Majesty, absolving them of their sins, confirming them to the Pope, and making them upon their book oaths to forswear all duty and obedience to your Highness. The people ran to him on heaps from all the parts of the country to receive his blessing. The fame of this Bishop was renowned through Ireland, and more renowned, coming from Rome, than if an angel had come from heaven. The Deputy there, being Sir William FitzWilliam, made a great ado to have him apprehended, but it could not be by any means effected. In the end there was one lighted upon him by chance, who brought him to Dublin. He was committed to the Castle. There he remained more than a year, christening children after the Popish manner, making holy water which was carried away in bottles, confirming men, women, and children (which came flocking unto him) to the Pope, making them to forswear all duty and obedience to your Majesty. But in the end (as many other had been before him), he was enlarged. If it would please your Majesty to have the matter examined, it would fall out to be a bribe that delivered him, and which had enlarged many other, both before and after him. This holy Bishop hath since been in Spain upon embassage from the Earl of Tyrone, and hath been one of the greatest instruments to blow the coals of this rebellion, and so he still remaineth at this instant, if he be not lately dead.
If these matters be true, the parties that have thus abused your Majesty are rich, and able to make some reasonable restitution towards your Majesty's expenses; but, if they be untrue, then I am worthy to receive punishment that have informed them.
It would not be amiss to set down in this place what great sums hath been drawn into private men's purses by virtue of the High Commission. It hath been a good milch cow to others, and it might likewise be made a great benefit to your Majesty.
I might likewise speak here of pardons and protections, what boldness they give to the Irish to enter into actions of rebellion; for what care they what mischief they commit, when they can still warrant themselves a pardon for a few stolen cows. These pardons and protections are likewise made matters of great profit to others, but most prejudicial to your Majesty, and hurtful to many that should there do you service.
What might be the reason that the King of Spain, the monarch of Christendom, that hath the most mighty command of kingdoms and dominions, of riches and treasure, for the choice of skilful captains, for the multitude of trained soldiers, for all manner of habiliments and necessaries for war; and, notwithstanding that, for these many years, he hath still endeavoured himself against you, by as many means as the wit or policy of man could afford, and your Majesty hath still prevented him, fronted him, and triumphed in many notable victories performed against him in his own countries, yea, almost at his own court gates; how happeneth it then, that a base and barbarous nation, a beggarly people (of no worth of themselves, but by over enabling of them), should thus prevail against your Majesty, and within your own dominions offer your Highness so many indignities, to the great dishonour of the whole English nation, and enough to make us contemptible, and to be basely esteemed of, amongst all the kingdoms of Christendom? What could here be answered, but that your Majesty hath not been so soundly advised against the Irish, as you have been against the Spaniard? If it might but please your Majesty now to examine the cause, you should find out the very mystery of that which hath not only deluded your Highness yourself, but hath led your Majesty's most honourable Council here into many errors. For it is the great combination betwixt the English and the Irish that marreth all; not of the meanest sort of the English, but of the great ones, such as have credit in your Majesty's court, and are so well befriended and trusted, both that whatsoever they inform they shall be believed, and what course hath there been undertaken or attempted for those services in Ireland, which your Majesty and honourable Council here hath not directed altogether by informations from thence. Might it please your Majesty now to look into your coffers, and, taking account what money you have spent, measure it again with the service you have had there performed. It will appear your Majesty hath been handled as cunning surgeons do use to handle their patients, who being well able to pay for their cure, can apply one plaster to heal, and two that shall hurt, till they have hurt so long that they cannot heal again when they would, but have brought the infirmity to be almost past cure. So, if I should deliver here what trifling they have used in prosecuting the wars, how they have wrought your Majesty, together with your honourable Council, to yield to delays, how they spent your money, consumed the time, without any manner of service performed, but only in parleys, and how it might seem that your Majesty in many of those parleys was driven to as narrow a scantling as the lion, who, having had many indignities offered him by the wolf, was willing yet that the matter should be taken up by composition between them, and those that were to appoint arbitrators in the behalf of the lion, made special choice of the fox and the sheep. The fox, being an ally to the wolf, and very near in affinity to him, would not press him further than the wolf himself liked of. The sheep again, knowing himself every day in danger to be devoured by the wolf, durst not enforce anything against him that might offend him. But, in these delaying times, the rebels recovered Connaught, took Enniskillen, Monaghan, the Blackwater; they supplied themselves with wine, aqua vitae, armour, weapon, powder, and all other necessaries whatsoever they wanted, from all the parts of Ireland, yea from out of Dublin itself. These enormities were seen into; every man could discern what success was like to follow, and many there were that exclaimed openly against it. But I cannot tell what planet it was that reigned, or what destiny it could be that so overruled, that your Majesty and honourable Council here should be still drawn on to surrender and condescend unto it for so many years together, in which meantime it cost your Majesty more treasure than would have brought in all the rebels of Ireland that were then out, if it had been employed as it should have been. But it had been much more available to your Majesty that the whole mass of money that you have hitherto spent in those services, if it had been all thrown into the sea; for the very expending of that money (as amongst them they have handled it), hath strengthened the rebel thus against you; when there hath never passed year, since those wars began, but there have been armed, trained, and disciplined 1,000 of the Irish, at your Majesty's charge, that hath run to the enemy, and many of them sent of purpose from the rebel to that very end, that they might be enabled at your Majesty's cost; and there hath been whole companies raised of the Irish, and given to young men (nay, children, some of them) that never marched in soldier's rank, before they were made captains, fit for such soldiers as they had charge on, that were, the most of them, as errant traitors as any were in Ireland; but they had your Majesty's pay, and they committed more spoils of your Majesty's subjects than the rebel himself could have done, killing and burning only excepted, and this was all the service they performed.
Since I myself have served your Majesty in Ireland, 2,000 Englishmen, if they had been together, would have marched through all the parts of the country, and all Ireland durst not have made head against them. But now it is your Majesty's purse that hath made them strong; yet there is no doubt, but that hereafter it will be better looked into, and your Majesty may yet hope of a plentiful harvest by his honourable service, that hath now undertaken it.
But this reformation must be settled by the sword, not by composition and taking in of the rebels, by pardons, by protections, by putting in of pledges. If this rebellion be not suppressed in such sort that the Irish may be disarmed, and all their furnitures for war brought into your Majesty's store; and that they may be likewise purged from their Jesuits and seminaries, and the rest of that rascal rabble sent amongst them from the Pope; if your Majesty shall otherwise contain them in peace, but for one whole year together, but that they will put your Highness to continual expenses, or else endanger your estate in that country; let me lose my life for it at the year's end, unless your Majesty will keep such strong garrisons, and that continually, as will empty your Majesty's coffers to bear out the charge.
I know it would be thought a dangerous matter, and it would be said that this would be a mean rather to drive all out than to reform (here policy should be opposed against your Majesty's profit); but to these objections it might truly be answered, that traitors in heart are far more dangerous than if they were armed, and out in open action; and, therefore, in respect of policy (indeed) it is behoveful for your Majesty either to make them subjects or traitors. But, if they should openly revolt, the escheats that would happen by their lands and goods would royally bear out your Majesty's expenses, and victual would be found whereby to relieve soldiers, that now are consumed sometimes to feed traitors.
It is themselves that have drawn on this rebellion, and they have brought it to the greatest extremity, and extremities are not to be dissolved but by a violent mean.
I assure myself that now, upon the arrival of the Earl of Essex in Ireland, there will be news of many rebels that will offer to come in with all submissive and humble show; they shall want no friends of the English with the Irish hearts, to speak for them that they may be received. Here policy shall be again opposed, and they will allege that it shall be a point of great policy and for your Majesty's profit both, that they should be received; which if they should so be, without a better assurance of their fidelity than ever I did yet know any of them able to make, it is easy to be conjectured what will be the success; and by these means your Majesty shall never be able to sift the corn from the chaff. I know there be some that will come in to my lord personally themselves, but their brethren, children, kinsmen, and all the rest of their friends and followers, shall be with the rebel, and they will say they cannot rule them. Some other will come in that, being in, will not bring six persons to fight on your Majesty's part; but, being with the rebel, will bring 600 to fight against you.
I leave all to your most gracious consideration, neither will I here presume to give informations how this rebellion is to be suppressed, when I can well assure myself that the noble Earl of Essex hath already determined and set down the course how it shall be prosecuted; knowing likewise that his honour can want no informations that either England or Ireland can afford. But rather it is to be feared there will be too many informers, for he that hath been in Ireland, and hath had there but two months' continuance, will undertake by and by to set down precepts of reformation. But these informers have many times deceived your Majesty's Council here; and many comes over with informations, some to mend their own estates, some to mar other men's. Some again ignorantly will inform they know not what, and men are believed as they are beloved, not according to the truth they can report, but according as they have credit with some great or noble personage, whose custom is to credit best the party they affect best.
Thus much I have observed, and since these wars were first undertaken, until this very instant, there was never any due course holden for the subversion of this rebellion; and, of my conscience, the greatest cause hath been by wrong informations delivered to your Majesty and honourable Council. God grant that this most noble earl may now hold a straight course, and then there is no doubt but of good success.
To speak a little of the suppressing of this rebellion (but yet not in general) it would be more for your Majesty's honour and profit both, that it might be performed rather in five months than five years; and, although this reformation must be settled by force, yet famine must be an especial mean whereby to accomplish it. For, if your Majesty had 40,000 soldiers in Ireland, yet should they never be able to serve upon the Irish, or to drive them to one day's encounter (unless by some great chance), but at their own pleasures; for we shall not fight but when they list; and when they please, we shall and must fight, or we shall be like to feel the smart of it, and that shall be upon such grounds of advantage, as we shall not be able greatly to annoy them.
I most humbly beseech your majesty to pardon me that have been so brief in my reasons. I have rather done it for brevity's sake and yet to make reasons for everything inferred, nor to write to those that had neither reason nor sense to understand, but directing my lines to that sacred wisdom that is better able to conceive than myself of ability to set down, I hope of gracious excuse and once again with all humbleness and duty craving pardon for altogether, will beseech the god of all glory, long to bless and continue your majesty and to send you a glorious triumph over all your enemies.
Your most humble subject and faithful servant, Barnaby Rich
Endorsement at end: 'May 1599 State of Ireland By Barnaby Rich'
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Title (uniform): A looking for her Majesty, wherein to view Ireland: wherein is expressed how this rebellion hath been kindled, and the rebel thus strengthened; what reformation most behoveful for her Majesty's advantage; of many profits that might be raised towards her Majesty's expenses
Author: Barnaby Rich
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Electronic edition compiled by: Beatrix Färber and Hiram Morgan
Prefatory note and bibliographical details by: and Hiram Morgan
Funded by: University College, Cork and The School of History
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1. First draft, revised and corrected.
Extent: 5225 words
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Publisher: CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts: a project of University College, Cork
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Date: 2024
Distributor: CELT online at University College, Cork, Ireland.
CELT document ID: E590003
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Document source
- Barnaby Rich, A looking for Her Majesty, wherein to view Ireland, The National Archives (UK), SP 63/205, no.72, ff.111-116, May 1599
Edition
- 'A looking [-glass] for Her Majesty ...' May 1599 in Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland during the reign of Elizabeth, Volume VIII, 1599, April -1600, February (ed. Ernest Atkinson, London, 1899) pp 45-5.
Selected contemporary publications
- Barnaby Rich, Rich his farewell to military profession; containing very pleasant discourses fit for a peaceable time: gathered together for the only delight of the courteous gentlewomen, both of England and Ireland for whose only pleasure they were collected together (London, 1581).
- Barnaby Rich, A path-way to military practise Containinge offices, lawes, disciplines and orders to be obserued in an army, with sundry stratagems very beneficiall for young gentlemen, or any other that is desirous to haue knowledge in martiall exercises (London, 1587).
- Barnaby Rich, A martial conference pleasantly discoursed betweene two souldiers (London, 1598).
- Barnaby Rich, A short survey of Ireland (London, 1609).
- Barnaby Rich, Roome for a gentleman, or The second part of faultes collected and gathered for the true meridian of Dublin in Ireland, and may serue fitly else where about London, and in many other partes of England (London 1609).
- Barnaby Rich, A new description of Ireland: wherein is described the disposition of the Irish whereunto they are inclined (London, 1610).
- Barnaby Rich, A Catholicke conference betvveene Syr Tady Mac Mareall a popish priest of Waterforde, and Patricke Plaine a young student in Trinity Colledge by Dublin in Ireland (London, 1612).
- Barnaby Rich, My Ladies Looking Glass (London, 1616).
- Barnaby Rich, The Irish Hubbub or the English Hue and Cry (London, 1617).
Selected modern Publications
- Barnaby Rich's "Remembrances of the State of Ireland, 1612," with Notices of Other Manuscript Reports, by the Same Writer, on Ireland under James the First, ed. Caesar Litton Falkiner Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 1906/1907, XXVI, 125-142.
- Eugene Flanagan, 'Captain Barnaby Rich (1542-1617): Protestant witness in Reformation Ireland' (Trinity College Dublin, PhD, 1995).
- Eugene Flanagan, 'The anatomy of Jacobean Ireland: Captain Barnaby Rich, Sir John Davies and the failure of reform, 1609-22', Political ideology in Ireland, 1541-1641, ed. H. Morgan (1999), 158-80.
- Eugene Flanagan, 'Rich, Barnaby' in James McGuire & James Quinn (ed), Dictionary of Irish Biography, (Cambridge, 2009).
- David Heffernan, 'Reform treatises in Tudor Ireland, 1537-1599', Irish Manuscripts Commissioin (Dublin, 2016.)
- David Heffernan, Debating Tudor policy in sixteenth-century Ireland: ?Reform? treatises and political discourse. (Manchester, 2018).
- Edward M. Hinton, 'Rych's Anothomy of Ireland, with an Account of the Author' Proceedings of the Modern Language Association, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Mar., 1940), 73-101.
- Willy Maley, 'Rich, Barnaby (1542-1617)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford, 2004).
The edition used in the digital edition
Rich, Barnaby (2024). A looking for her Majesty, wherein to view Ireland: wherein is expressed how this rebellion hath been kindled, and the rebel thus strengthened; what reformation most behoveful for her Majesty’s advantage; of many profits that might be raised towards her Majesty’s expenses. Cork: CELT at UCC.
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title = {A looking for her Majesty, wherein to view Ireland: wherein is expressed how this rebellion hath been kindled, and the rebel thus strengthened; what reformation most behoveful for her Majesty's advantage; of many profits that might be raised towards her Majesty's expenses},
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The present text covers folios 111-116.
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Date: 1599
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Keywords: letter; Barnaby Rich; Irish politics; prose; 16c
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- 2024-12-09: File re-parsed and validated (ed. Beatrix Färber)
- 2024-12-09: Prefatory note, bibliographical information and corrections to text supplied. (ed. Hiram Morgan)
- 2024-09-23: File parsed and validated. (ed. Beatrix Färber)
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